Promoting women in politics
The
second area discussed at the consultation on women’s rights arranged by
Oxfam was that of female participation in politics. The National Human
Rights Action plan lays down as a goal an increase in female
representation at all levels but, as was shown by the women’s
organization that had prepared an excellent presentation on such
representation, the percentage at present is painfully low.
This is in marked contrast with the high proportion of women in
administrative positions. Indeed, as I have pointed out, the work of the
Task Force to expedite implementation of the Plan is taken forward
largely by women, three of whom are amongst the most efficient Permanent
Secretaries we have - though, sadly, one of them retired last month.
Economic and social issues
There are those who say that increasing the power of women to
actually influence public life is much more important, and indeed it is
argued - by some women, as well as one of the male parliamentarians who
contributed to the discussion - that women in politics do little for
other women.
That may be the case, but the point made through the Action Plan, and
emphasized by those who had arranged the discussion, was the need for
greater female participation in politics to present different
perspectives on all issues.
Whilst sensitization with regard to the needs of women and children
is increasingly essential, it is also necessary to promote wider
perspectives on economic and social issues in general. What has gone
wrong in Sri Lanka? Why has the usual phenomenon, of female
representation increasing over the years as educational and other
facilities improve - and has happened in other countries in the
sub-continent even though they began with much worse statistics
generally with regard to Sri Lanka - not occurred here? The answer, the
statistics we got seemed to indicate, is the introduction of
proportional representation in its current form - that last phrase being
particularly salient since elsewhere the introduction of proportional
representation led to an increase in the number of women chosen.
The Sri Lankan statistics indicated that, while the proportion of
women gaining nomination had increased, the number elected was much
less.
I asked whether statistics were available of the proportion of those
elected from those nominated, with comparisons with the past. I am not
sure my point was understood, but a cursory glance at the nomination and
election figures made it clear that, in the era of first past the post
elections, a high proportion of women nominated was elected. In short,
there was no discrimination about voting for women generally, which is
understandable given the earlier promotion of female education and
capacity, as compared to the rest of the sub-continent.
And even more obviously, despite this lack of discrimination, women
who are nominated find it much more difficult to be elected under the
present system. I have long argued that the present system of election
is utterly destructive and, as my father told J R Jayewardene when he
introduced yet another of his indulgences of MPs even as he ensured they
were less and less independent, turns barons into robbers.
Waste of resources
The enormous cost of an election when one is competing not just
against an Opposition, but also against all the others on the list of
one’s own party, must surely be a disincentive to those not able to
raise vast sums of money. In addition, there is necessarily a blind eye
- at best - to violence. Obviously one’s poster pasters, primed
generally with alcohol, would get into conflict with other poster
pasters, as they obliterated the images of all candidates on their own
list except the one they were pasting posters for.
Women find it difficult to compete in a context such as this, and the
more praise to them that such is the case. And, one should note, it also
seems a waste of resources with regard to what should be the training
ground for politicians, the Pradeshiya Sabha elections, for the act
makes it clear that those elected have no influence or authority
whatsoever. All decisions lie in the hands of the chairman and, once he
is elected, the other members have no control over him, not even with
regard to the budget, since its defeat in the Sabha has no real adverse
consequences.
Electoral politics
One would imagine that he would support other members of his party in
their efforts at social service, and this does occur at times. However,
given the cut and thrust of electoral politics in our current system,
there is also always a sense that he should not allow any individual too
much prominence, for they could well be in direct competition next time
round, for preferences, at whatever level.
There was some effort to change the system a year or so back but,
given the general incompetence that affected the Legal Draughtsman’s
Department at the time, the bill had to be delayed. The first draft had
serious flaws, including confusion as to how many persons could be
nominated for multi-member constituencies. In ironing these out - not
entirely satisfactorily - they failed to produce a Tamil version on
time, and government accepted the contention of the TNA that to proceed
would be wrong. Indeed the Sinhala version only came in the course of
the debate, and though in theory we were discussing the unamended
version (for the amendments were to be taken only at the Committee
stage), given that Parliament has now almost completely got rid of what
used to be the most useful place and time for tidying legislation up,
the Third Reading, it made sense to suspend proceedings.
Unfortunately, at that stage much opposition kicked in, most
obviously from those elected under the prevailing system, and the matter
seems forgotten, even though we see the bill on the order paper every
day. I can only hope that, not only women’s groups, but all those
concerned with political reform in the interests of promoting all
rights, agitate for reform in this most essential aspect. |