Resetting US- Russia relations
The following is the prepared text of U.S. President Barack Obama’s
speech to the New Economic School(NES) in Moscow, as released by the
White House.
|
U.S.
President Barack Obama |
I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep
respect for Russia?s timeless heritage. Russian writers have helped us
understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal
truths. Your painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new
forms of beauty. Your scientists have cured disease, sought new
frontiers of progress, and helped take us to space.
These contributions are not contained by Russia?s borders, as vast as
they are. Indeed, Russia?s heritage has touched every corner of the
world, and speaks to the humanity that we share. That includes my own
country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants, enriched by
Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation. And as a resident
of Washington, I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians
? specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin.
Nuclear catastrophe
Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your
focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity. As
Pushkin said, ?Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as
poetry.? And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you
preparing to graduate. You are poised to be leaders in academia and
industry; in finance and government. Before you move forward, however,
it is worth reflecting upon what has already taken place during your
young lives.
Like President Medvedev and me, you are not old enough to have
witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were
tested in the atmosphere, children drilled in fallout shelters, and we
reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe. But you are the last
generation born when the world was divided. At that time, the American
and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to
fight. The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in
place. Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was
treated as a zero sum game.
The Cold War
Then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be.
Make no mistake: this change did not come from any one nation alone. The
Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations
over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe
stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful.
With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations ?
for peace and prosperity; for new arrangements among nations, and new
opportunities for individuals. Like all periods of great change, it was
a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities. But, of course,
things don?t always work out exactly as planned. Back in 1993, shortly
after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of
change when he told a reporter, and I quote: ?The real world is not so
rational as on paper.?
Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the
world. Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast
pockets of crushing poverty. More people have gone to the ballot box,
but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their
people.
Ideological struggles have diminished, but they have given way to
conflicts over tribe, ethnicity and religion. A human being with a
computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian
State Library, but that technology can be used to do great harm.
In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic
restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity
and hardship. A few prospered, but many more did not. There were tough
times. But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and
you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater
confidence. And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia
are better off today than twenty years ago.
Generation
Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. But think about
the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. What kind
of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and
America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold
War? Those questions still do not have clear answers, and so now they
must be answered by you ? by your generation in Russia, America, and
around the world. You get to decide. And while I cannot answer these
questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America
seeks.
To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and
prosperous Russia.
This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a
shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition. Indeed,
despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest
struggle of the last century. Recently, I noted this in Normandy ? for
just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all they had to storm
those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like
Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardship to repel an invasion, and
turn the tide in the east. As President Kennedy said, ?no nation in the
history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second
World War.?
As we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will
come from a strong and vibrant Russia. Think of the issues that will
define your lives ? security from nuclear weapons and extremism; access
to markets and opportunity; health and the environment; an international
system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting
stability and prosperity. These challenges demand global partnership,
and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful
place as a great power.
Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions
must prevail ? a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather
than the future. There is the 20th century view that the United States
and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a
strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another.
And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres
of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to
balance one another.
Assumptions
Both assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show
strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when
empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are
over. As I said in Cairo, given our interdependence, any world order
that tries to elevate one nation or group of people over another will
inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game ?
progress must be shared.
That is why I have called for a ?reset? in relations between the
United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between
the Kremlin and the White House ? though that is important. It must be a
sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify
mutual interests, and to expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave
the way to progress.
It won?t be easy. It is difficult to forge a lasting partnership
between former adversaries, and to change habits that have been
ingrained in our governments for decades. But I believe that on the
fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians
share common interests that form a basis for cooperation. It is not for
me to define Russia?s national interests, but I can tell you about
America?s, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.
First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear
weapons and preventing their use.
In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited
the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that
power would bring about their own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance
is different.
You and I don?t have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will
respect a balance of terror ? we understand the horrific consequences of
any war between our countries. But we do have to ask whether extremists
who have killed innocent civilians in New York and Moscow will show that
same restraint. We have to ask whether ten or twenty or fifty
nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using
them.
This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The
notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can
protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have them,
is illusory.
In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we have already
seen India, Pakistan and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a
fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades
will not bring about the further spread of nuclear weapons?
That is why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation,
and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is
consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world?s two leading nuclear
powers. And while I know this goal won?t be met soon, pursuing it
provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and
eventual use of nuclear weapons.
We are already taking important steps to build this foundation.
Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new
Treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems.
We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy,
which must be a right for all nations that live up to their
responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on
nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing
all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.
Challenges
As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations
accountable for theirs. Neither America nor Russia would benefit from a
nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East.
That is why we should be united in opposing North Korea?s efforts to
become a nuclear power, and preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear
weapon. And I?m pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a
joint threat assessment of the ballistic missile challenges of the 21st
Century, including from Iran and North Korea.
This is not about singling out individual nations ? it is about the
responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the
NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international
law will give way to the law of the jungle. That benefits no one. As I
said in Prague, rules must be binding. Violations must be punished.
Words must mean something.
Administration
The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of
disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for
missile defense in Europe. My Administration is reviewing these plans to
enhance the security of America, Europe and the world.
I have made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a
potential attack from Iran, and has nothing to do with Russia. In fact,
I want us to work together on a missile defense architecture that makes
us all safer. But if the threat from Iran?s nuclear and ballistic
missile programs is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in
Europe will be eliminated. That is in our mutual interest.
In addition to securing the world?s most dangerous weapons, a second
area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and
defeating violent extremists.
For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion
of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of
all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered
Muslims.
These extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul;
and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They
are plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from
safe-havens that allow them to train and operate ? particularly along
the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan. That is why America has a clear
goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in
Afghanistan and Pakistan.
We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead,
we want to work with international partners to help Afghans and
Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. That is why I?m
pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our
coalition forces through your territory.
Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or
Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It is time to work together on behalf
of a different future ? a future in which we leave behind the great game
of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us
contribute to the security of Central Asia.
Beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity
that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a
better future, and leaving Iraq to Iraqis. We are pursuing the goal of
two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. And we
are partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance
education, health and economic development.
In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share
our goals, and will benefit from success. In addition to these security
concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America?s interest in
global prosperity.
We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I
believe that the market is the greatest force for creating and
distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is
allowed to run rampant ?through excessive risk-taking, a lack of
regulation, or corruption ? then all are endangered, whether we live on
the Mississippi or the Volga.
In America, we are taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our
economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can
wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one nation
can serve as the sole engine of global growth.
You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And
while this crisis has shown us the risk that comes with change, that
risk is overwhelmed by opportunity. Think of what?s possible today that
was unthinkable two decades ago.
A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can
compete with anyone, anywhere. An entrepreneur with a start-up in
Beijing can take his business global.
An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at
Harvard. That?s good for all of us ? because when prosperity is created
in India, that?s a new market for our goods; when new ideas take hold in
China, that pushes our businesses to innovate; when new connections are
forged among people, all of us are enriched.
Investment
There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between
Americans and Russians. We can pursue trade that is free and fair and
integrated with the wider world. We can boost investment that creates
jobs in both our countries. We can forge partnerships on energy that tap
not only traditional resources, but the new sources of energy that will
drive growth and combat climate change. All of that, Americans and
Russians can do together.
Government
Government can promote this cooperation, but individuals must advance
it. Because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is
its people, and the countries which tap that resource are the countries
that will succeed.
That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of
law. As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective
legal system is a condition for sustained economic development. People
everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education
without paying a bribe.
That is not an American idea or a Russian idea ? that?s how people
and countries will succeed in the 21st century.
This brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss ? America?s
interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their
people.
By no means is America perfect. But it is our commitment to certain
universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, and to
grow stronger over time. Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed
women, minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights.
The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted
monopolies, shut down political machines, and ended abuses of power.
Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and
government. Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our
leaders accountable.
If our democracy did not advance those rights, I ? as a person of
African ancestry ? wouldn?t be able to address you as an American
citizen, much less a President.
Around the world, America supports these values because they are
moral, and also because they work.
The arc of history shows us that governments which serve their own
people survive and thrive; governments which serve only their own power
do not. Governments that represent the will of their people are far less
likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to
wage war on others.
Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to
oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable
trading partners. And in our own history, democracies have been
America?s most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with
in Europe and Asia ? nations that today live with great security and
prosperity.
Now let me be clear: America will not seek to impose any system of
government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which
party or individual should run a country. Even as we meet here today,
America supports the restoration of the democratically-elected President
of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies. We
do so not because we agree with him.
We do so because we respect the universal principle that people
should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with
or not.
That leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is
America?s interest in an international system that advances cooperation
while respecting the sovereignty of all nations.
State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order. Just
as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must
have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign
policies.
That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States.
Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy. That is why
this principle must apply to all nations ? including Georgia and
Ukraine.
America will never impose a security arrangement on another country.
For any country to become a member of NATO, a majority of its people
must choose to; they must undertake reforms; and they must be able to
contribute to the Alliance?s mission. And let me be clear: NATO seeks
collaboration with Russia, not confrontation.
More broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all
nations and peoples. As President of the United States, I will work
tirelessly to protect America?s security and to advance our interests.
But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its
own, nor dictate its terms to the world.
That is why America seeks an international system that lets nations
pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests
diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are
respected, and violations of those rights are opposed; a system where we
hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations,
with clear rights and responsibilities for all.
The days when Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin could shape the world
in one meeting are over. The world is more complex today. Billions of
people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity
and self-determination. Over the past two decades, we have witnessed
markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build ? not destroy.
We have seen old hatreds pass, illusions of difference lift, and
human destiny in the hands of more human beings. Now, we must see that
the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new
era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations
for dignity, security, and a better life for their children. That is
America?s interest, and I believe that it is Russia?s as well.
Future
|
Kremlin in
Moscow |
I know that this future can seem distant. Change is hard. In the
words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so
rational as on paper. But think of the change that has unfolded with the
passing of time. One hundred years ago, a Czar ruled in Russia, and
Europe was a place of Empire.
When I was born, segregation was still law in America and my father?s
Kenya was still a colony. When you were born, a school like this would
have been impossible, and the Internet was known to only a privileged
few.
You get to decide what comes next. You get to choose where change
will take us. Because the future does not belong to those who gather
armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground ? the future
belongs to young people with the education and imagination to create.
That is the source of power in this century.
And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just
imagine what you can create in the years to come.
Every country charts its own course. Russia has cut its way through
time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on
human history as it goes. As you move this story forward, look to the
future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old
obstacles and old suspicions; look to the future that can be built if we
partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common. Together, we can
build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and
our power truly serves progress.
Thank you.
|