A tender sapling
Tanvir Ahmad Khan
Addressing a joint session of Parliament - the “symbol of democratic
power” as he put it - President Zardari spoke of the need of nurturing
democracy’s tender sapling. This was not only a realistic metaphor but
also a devastating indictment of six decades of Pakistan’s national
history.
Considering that the state of Pakistan was created through democratic
processes - General Elections of 1945, votes by provincial legislatures,
referendums - overseen by a colonial power wedded to the ballot, it
should by now have been one of those mighty trees that seem to live
forever, the roots of which should have bound our people and federating
units in indissoluble unity.
President Zardari rightly laid emphasis on the structural aspects of
the democratisation process. Zardari described himself as the first
President in Pakistan’s history who was willing to shed the powers
accumulated by his predecessor and asked Parliament to set up a
committee of all the parties to “revisit” the main instruments of
autocratic rule.
By doing so he flagged the constitutional space that needs the urgent
consensual attention of Parliament in a manner that transcends party
politics.
What happened in Islamabad only a few hours later, however, made it
manifestly evident that national survival was threatened not just by the
unsavoury constitutional legacy of past dictators that Parliament in its
collective wisdom could easily legislate away, but also by dark and
demonic forces that have an indigenous and regional provenance.
In just about the most audacious act since the fateful assassination
of PPP’s martyred leader, Benazir Bhutto, the terrorists tried to turn
the day that should have marked the triumph of democracy into a day of
national grief.
There are many perspectives on the events of December 27 last year
and September 20 now, but what is common is a horrific repudiation of
democracy as a polity, a way of communal life and a method of ordering
the affairs of the state.
The destruction of the Marriott hotel looked like a last minute
substitute for a horrendous crime that was probably originally designed
to be perpetrated against Parliament itself.
In either case, this was beyond doubt the planned antithesis to
President Zardari’s thesis. It was a loud proclamation of a new fact.
Hitherto democratic governments in Pakistan were brought down by the
hubris of men on horseback, the arrogant generals who pretended to be
saviours. Henceforth the greatest challenger may be from men of violence
committed to anarchy.
In a series of destructive actions - directed alike against the
people, the emerging political order and, indeed, the Armed Forces -
since the day Benazir Bhutto returned from a long exile, they have made
it known that they reject the basis of our state and all the civil and
military institutions through which it projects itself.
In committing the terrible atrocity of September 20, they served
notice that the agenda for national reconciliation and reconstruction
outlined by the head of state to Parliament was irrelevant to their
programme and that they had the will and the resources to wage a long
war against the state of Pakistan.
Over the years, the State of Pakistan has been hobbled by what is
described every day as a growing deficit in the “ownership” of this war.
This deficit was born of the disdain with which General Musharraf
treated the people and the political class.
It was only a few weeks ago that he finally departed from the
all-too-powerful presidency and thus the political Government has not
had much time to put its own distinctive stamp on national policies.
Arguably, September 20 was the day for that authentic signature, that
desperately needed imprimatur of a new order.
From another perspective - a perspective that the terrorists exploit
endlessly - the political Government has taken too long to register its
own imprint that would differentiate it from the Musharraf era. It may
well have under-estimated the mass hostility to that era as well as the
demand for change.
In a world where perceptions reign, two trends mark the political
scene today. Partly because of its own preference for the softer tones
of reconciliation rather than the strident ones of revenge and partly
because of external pressures, the political government has not worked
hard enough to herald a new era of innovation.
The second trend is an insidious campaign from within and without
that it is old wine in a new bottle, that it is as much chained to an
alien “imperialist project” as Musharraf and that the great upsurge of
February 18 has been deliberately frittered away to serve internal and
external vested interests.
That this is grist to the mills of the propaganda machine of the
terrorists can be palpably felt in every nook and corner of the country.
President Zardari must win this battle of perceptions if he wants to
succeed with the admirable agenda that he outlined in the historic
session of parliament on September 20 and if he is to defeat the rival
agenda written by the terrorists in the cinders of the Marriott the same
day.
The writer is a former foreign secretary of Pakistan who can be
contacted at [email protected] |