Bandaranaike -- the Great Sinhala -Buddhist Liberal
H. l. D. Mahindapala
At the annual SLFP convention held in Kurunegala in 1959 Prime
Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was feeling the rising heat of the
right-wing forces, within his own party, ganging up against him. There
were several disaffected forces railing against him but the most vicious
and deadly thrust was spearheaded by the business-oriented, right-wing
Buddharakkita Thera, head of the Kelaniya Temple. His arrival at the
Kurunegala session turned heads with all eyes focused on him.
His muscular frame, dripping with energy, was covered in yellow robes
baring the naked right shoulder of a heavy weight boxer. He walked in
sure of himself as if he was the king-maker, exuding power and
authority.
|
S. W. R. D.
Bandaranaike |
A tense feeling, arising out of a sense of impending crisis,
dominated the sessions. The two leading newspaper groups, Lake House and
the Times, were targeting Bandaranaike relentlessly. Radio Ceylon, the
only state-run media, was no match to the private sector media. The
Government Information Unit headed by his loyalist, Lionel Fernando, an
ex-Times journalist, too was ineffective in countering the
anti-Bandaranaike media barrage. The right-wing Lake House papers
virtually blanketed the nation. The Marxist Left was hammering him with
unrelenting strikes in the port and mercantile sectors. In their usual
deluded misreading of Marx they thought that they were spearheading the
vanguard of the revolution by striking against the comprador mercantile
houses in Colombo along with some remnants of feudalism in the
plantation economy.
Anti-Bandaranaike forces
They were the Quixotes of Sri Lanka who were tilting at colonial
mercantile houses owned by the local bourgeoisie and the last remnants
of the dwindling British companies which they mistook for Bastilles of
capitalism. Regular strikes at Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills, or
mercantile houses in Colombo, or in the port made them feel like Trotsky
at Petrograd in 1917 waging the good fight to take over the Winter
Palace. Misguided by a misreading of Marx they collapsed eventually
under the weight of their irrelevant theories that did not resonate with
the historical aspirations of the people. In the end it is the nation
that had to pay for their delusional politics. Bandaranaike too was a
victim of their bogus theories that never worked for them or the nation.
Bandaranaike was a man besieged, standing all alone, fighting with his
back to wall with whatever resources he had which was miniscule,
compared the massive forces of the right, the left and the
English-speaking Westernized elite ranged against him.
In those heady days, the right-wing UNP, manned by J. R. Jayewardene
in the absence of Dudley Senanayake who had left the party, was waiting
eagerly in the wings to get back into the seats of power which they
thought was rightly theirs in perpetuity. Ananda Tissa de Alwis, the
right-hand man of JR and ex-journalist of Lake House, was arguing that
it was the first-past-the post electoral system that defeated the UNP
and not the millions who voted for them in 1956. This is one of the main
reasons why the UNP went for the proportional voting system later. JR
and Ananda were quite sure that the electoral voting system would return
the UNP next time round. The Left, on the other hand, thought that if
they got rid of Bandaranaike the people would automatically turn to them
and not go back to the UNP. Their political weapon was to mount waves of
strikes to paralyse Bandaranaike's administration. And the gossip going
round swore that Buddharakkita Thera was told by an astrologer that
after the death of Bandaranaike a woman would come into power and he
read it as Vimala Wijewardene, the Minister of Health, who was also
known to be his mistress. This suggests that astrological predictions
can be correct but those who interpret it get it wrong because the woman
who came into power was Bandaranaike's wife and not Buddharakkita's
mistress.
Getting back to the Kurunegala session, while the anti-Bandaranaike
forces were ganging up inside the convention C. A. S. ("Sinhala")
Marikkar, Minister for Posts and Telecommunications, created a momentary
diversion by arriving on the back of an elephant. It was a bit of comic
relief. He was addicted to publicity. Once he rang his Lake House
contact and complained seriously: "Mokadda ishay, api ganna cartoon
ekakwath naha nay than?" (What I say, there isn't even a cartoon about
me now?)
The morning session, however, was gruelling with the right-wing
forces demanding their pound of flesh. Buddharakkita & Co were cocky
arguing that it was their balavegaya (force) -- Mahajana Eksath Peramuna
(People's United Front) -- that brought Bandaranaike into power and,
therefore, he owed everything to them. Buddharakkita was out to break
Bandaranaike, one way or another, if his demands, which were mainly
commercial ventures related to a shipping line, were not granted. The
best defence put up by Bandaranaike at the Kurunegala session was to
deflect attacks with his rapier wit. During the lunch break he was lying
on a hansiputuwa (reclining chair) in the open verandah of the
Kurunegala Rest House. He was surrounded by foreign and local
journalists. I was one of them.
He was holding forth on the crises faced by post-independent nations
in the region. He was blaming it on the transplanted Westminster model
which he argued was unworkable in the oriental political culture. He
preferred the Committee system of the old State Council in which
subjects were handled collectively by a committee, the head of which was
appointed as the Minister. He favoured the collegiate approach that cut
across party lines and embraced, within each committee, a proportionate
quota of elected representatives in the making of public policy rather
than the confrontational either/or approach of party politics. The
participatory process in the Committee system was inclusive and not
exclusive as in the polarised party system in which those who lose power
were excluded from the decision-making process. In the Committee system
every elected representative, was included as a member of one committee
or another, thereby giving them a role to play in the decision-making
process.
Power-sharing was not a viable or a respected tenet in the two-party
system. In the party system the winner takes all. Losers become the
loyal opposition and are forced to wait for their turn in the land of
hope or hopelessness. Bandaranaike was for the consensual approach
instead of the divisive party politics of the Westminster model. In his
case he had no option but to work within the inherited Soulbury
Constitution which was, more or less, a replica of the Westminster
model. But what is little known is that within those parameters he was
the first to lay down the first outlines for the revision of the
Constitution without breaking away from the fundamentals of the
Westminster model. He was working to introduce a Bill of Rights that
would have addressed most of the issues bedevilling his time -- and
later. But before he could complete his work in this field the
right-wing of the SLFP got him.
The transplanted Westminster model failed to take root in most new
nations in Afro-Asia because the political climate was conducive mainly
for traditional authoritarian regimes and not for parliamentary
democracy which thrived on the soil of broader, liberal and tolerant
traditions for diversity. Sri Lanka was a notable exception which stands
today as the oldest democracy in Afro-Asia. Besides, the written
constitutions were not functioning as effective legal and political
mechanisms to ward off the rising ethnic, religious, economic and
political tensions. Centuries of colonialism which suppressed the
indigenous forces could not be contained within the strait-jacket of the
Westminster model which had grown as a natural, flexible and adaptable
English plant that was born out of the unique political culture of the
Ango-Saxons. The Westminster model, the mother of all parliaments, that
grew out of wars of supremacy between the King and Parliament, common
laws, constitutional conventions and political practices could not be
absorbed overnight by most of the the ex-colonies which were rooted in
stagnant economies, political turmoil, the rise of indigenous forces
suppressed for centuries and the rush of modernity invading and
destabilizing traditional societies.
British bureaucrats
In short, the saplings of twentieth century parliamentary democracy
transplanted from Westminster could hardly thrive inside post-colonial
political borders that were drawn arbitrarily by departing British
bureaucrats who failed to recognise the embedded contradictions of the
new political sovereignties that were partly tribal, partly feudal,
partly capitalist and mostly state-dependent individuals who had not
shared the burdens of existence outside the traditional and protective
collective. The new rulers -- mainly the Brown Sahibs who took over from
the White Sahibs -- too found it difficult to manage the atomistic
individualism running amok, armed with the unaccustomed new freedoms --
a new liberal force which was exploited by the enemies of political
freedom like the Marxists.
Individualism that ran parallel with parliamentary democracy -- the
rose of the capitalism in all its splendour pricked, of course, with its
thorns -- broke up the traditional authoritarianism of hydraulic
societies that transited through colonial rule, administering a
revisionist authoritarianism of its own, and rushed into the 20th
century releasing gigantic socio-political forces which only few leaders
managed to wrestle in the immediate aftermath of the post-World War II
period. It was a period of transition where the imbalances left behind
by the colonial past had to be adjusted to restore the rights of the
victims of historical injustices.
In 1956 centuries of bottled up historical forces had reached the
bursting point and could not be corked any longer. Aspirations and ideas
of a suppressed people found its time in "1956". The subterranean forces
were rearing to burst out and find a political outlet through a
compatible a leader. Bandaranaike was the chosen leader of the time, by
the times and for the times. He gave leadership to the swelling ground
forces with prophetic accuracy which was supposed to be in the hands of
the Marxists who claimed to have the secret key to open the hidden doors
of history. The historic drama that exploded in 1956 was not a Marxist
class war but a culture war. Bandaranaike picked the dynamic political
trend operating at grass root level from the time he came from Oxford in
the twenties while the Marxists who also returned from Western
universities in the thirties took the theoretical train to Leningrad.
Bandaranaike took the bus to the villages and won hands down.
There was, of course, a fusion of the diverse forces meeting in the
person of Bandaranaike. If he was not there the subterranean forces
would have had no option but to follow the Marxist Left to Leningrad and
the consequences of that would have been incalculable, both to the
economic and political structures, as seen in the case of the lumpen
Marxists in the JVP. Bandaranaike was there at the right time in the
right place to prevent the extreme ideological Left from hijacking the
nationalist movement that was in search of a leader. In 1956 when the
electorate elected Bandaranaike the entire weight of suppressed history
fell on his shoulders. Maintaining democracy, restoring the lost
historical rights, strengthening the individual rights, protecting the
rights of minorities, ensuring equality and justice, and creating a new
social order came all at once like an avalanche on the back of S. W. R.
D. Bandaranaike.
Sinhala Only Act
Managing those gigantic, and even convulsive, forces was a Herculean
task. It was like managing the waters of a burst dam. It was a daunting
task. The old world had died and the new world was struggling to be
born. He was in a sense "Wandering between two worlds, one dead, / The
other powerless to be born (Mathew Arnold, Stanzas from the Grande
Chartreuse). Bandaranaike's victory was just not to overthrow the UNP.
He overthrew nearly 500 years of colonialism. The novelty of the
cultural wave of "1956" was a shock to the established colonial system
which maintained the status quo even after gaining independence in 1948.
The English-speaking elite -- the uppity 6% at the top -- were thrown
off balance. They were alarmed by the native bells tolling for their
impending demise. The most sneering, contemptuous opposition to
Bandaranaike came from this English-speaking elite drawn from all
communities. They constituted the ancien regime that was bent on hanging
on to their English-speaking elitism which created an unacceptable
inequality based on a colonial legacy.
Bandaranaike was anathema to them because he represented all what
they were not, all what they hated. Of all the elements in the historic
"1956" agenda it was the enthroning of the Sinhala language they
resisted most. Contrary to the popular belief Bandaranaike was not
aiming to overthrow Tamil language. His attempt was to democratise the
administration and bring it closer to the people who were administered
by an alien language. The Sinhala Only Act was to overthrow English not
Tamil.
English was the language of the priviligentsia that ruled the nation.
Upward social mobility in Jaffna and the south depended not on Tamil and
Sinhalese but on English. The Jaffna Tamils dominated the public service
and the professions not because they were hard working but because they
had most number of schools that turned out English-speaking clerks
needed for the running of the British administration. No hard-working
Tamil of Jaffna or Sinhalese of south could have gone anything beyond
that of drawers of water or hewers of wood if they were not competent in
English.
Bandaranaike's great achievement was in the levelling of the playing
field by restoring the right of the people to be administered in their
own mother tongue -- both Sinhala and Tamil. The elite had everything to
lose if English was dethroned and Sinhalese/Tamil restored to their
traditional places.
The balancing act he performed, amidst all the hostile ethnic,
linguistic, right-wing, left-wing, the powerful English-speaking elite
in the private and public sectors, Hulftsdorp hucksters that ruled the
nation then, is a remarkable feat of political management. It was this
act of steering the unleashed forces through democratic channels that
was caricatured as the failure of a weak-kneed political opportunist. He
was a man of steel who stood by his word to make Sinhala Only and Tamil
also, as promised in his manifesto. It was because he stood by the
people that the English-speaking elite scorned him as "sevala Banda"
(slippery Banda).
Though he was demonized by the combined forces of the rump of the
colonial elite it his sole, determined and committed efforts to maintain
a fair, civilized and reasonable balance between the old and the new
that makes him stand out as the greatest liberal of the Sinhala-Buddhist
forces. He was standing at the cross-roads of a critical moment in
history. It needed great courage and determination to stand by his
vision when it was pounded by waves of anti-Bandaranaike forces.
And to his credit he stood his ground. He represented the
quintessence of the tolerant, enlightened liberalism of the new nation
that had suddenly rediscovered its traditional roots and historical
identity, rejecting the veneer of colonial respectability and
Westernized elitism.
Though he came from the English-speaking ancien regime he was more in
tune with the renaissance of the time that reinvigorated the nation with
the renewed aspirations of the people who were denied their historical
birthrights for nearly five centuries. The anti-Bandaranaike forces --
including his daughter, Chandrika Bandaranaike, the psuedo-intellectual
who is attempting to revive her yesterday's celluloid phantom, Vijaya
Kumaratunga, abandoning her father to whom she owes everything -- have
failed to beat, erase or ignore the indelible Bandaranaike heritage that
keeps the nation alive to this day.
His prophetic vision of reviving and reinforcing the suppressed
Sinhala-Buddhist ethos, as opposed to the inapplicable and irrelevant
dogmas of imported Marxism, continues to be the dynamic political force
that rules the nation and will continue to rule the nation in the
foreseeable future.
Though the Senanayakes ushered in independence without much fuss the
fundamental foundations of post-independence era were laid down by
Bandaranaike. The great war that was fought and won by President Mahinda
Rajapaksa was the latest manifestation of the Mahavamsa-Bandaranaike
tradition that runs in the historical blood of the people.
It is the war that gave new life and hope to the nation. If May 2009
marked the end of a violent war and breathed new life to a despondent
nation to raise its head with pride and glory, as in the days of yore,
1956 is its precursor representing the silent, non-violent revolution
that restored the lost identity and dignity of the people who built a
new civilisation, new culture, new language and a brand new history that
fought and won impossible victories against all odds. With his victory
Mahinda Rajapaksa became the true and genuine successor to Bandaranaike
and his great tradition.
The daughters of Bandaranaike unfortunately prefer to sleep with the
enemies of Bandaranaike who denigrate his name day and night. Next to
Kasyappa it is difficult to find any other parricides than his
daughters, particularly Chandrika Kumaratunga. When she praises, in
glowing terms, Vijaya Kumaratunga's politics and his looks (which,
according to late Ossie Abeygoonesekara who knew the family secrets,
didn't keep her attached to him too long) she is openly rejecting the
politics of her great father. She has joined the bandwagon of the
enemies of her father who not only buried him but continues to demonize
him and his historic heritage.
Infantile politics
She has never raised her voice, or lifted a pen to pay homage to her
father like the way she has praised Vijaya Kumaratunga, the yesterday's
matinee idol who has no future. She has yet to grasp that the 20th and
the 21st centuries were shaped by Bandaranaike and will continue to do
so because he represents the essence of the nation's historic ethos.
Without her father she would have been another bimbo from Beaujolais --
the French equivalent of our Botalay village -- running after cheap
cardboard cut-outs gathering dust and mud by the roadside. Her latest
character certificate issued to boost Vijaya Kumaratunga and his
politics reflects her infantile politics.
How many votes will she get if she runs on a platform condemning and
rejecting her father's politics and praising the politics of celluloid
Vijaya Kumaratunga? Prostituting politics seems to be her second nature.
This explains why the people have lost faith in her. How can anyone
trust her? If she can betray her father who gave his life to make the
Bandaranaikes iconic figures in the political landscape of Sri Lanka
whom will she not betray? When it came to the crunch she even betrayed
her husband and exonerated the JVP murderers in the hope of getting
political mileage by accusing the UNP.
The record states unambiguosly that she has no qualms of betraying
her father, her mother, her brother and even her husband. She has no
hesitation in climbing on her father's grave to advance her political
career and then discard him giving her father the karapincha treatment.
The homage and gratitude owed to Bandaranaike did not come from the
ingrates who came from his loins or from those who were close to him and
benefited most but from the humble people who has rewarded, over and
over again, those came in his name.
Bandaranaike will go down in history as the first great leader of the
nation who defeated a reigning government non-violently with the popular
will of the people.
He stood like a colossus guarding the entrances at the critical
cross-roads of the post-independence era with stalwarts like D. A.
Rajapaksa who stood by him from the day he crossed over from the UNP to
the SLFP. It is natural and logical for the son of "D.A." to march down
the historical route taken by Bandaranaike and his father to protect and
foster the ingrained sense of destiny and history enshrined "for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious" (Mahavamsa). It is in this spirit
that the history of the nation was built by the founding fathers who
welcomed, with open arms, all those who came to share the land with them
as the common property held in trust for generations to come. It is in
this spirit that King Siri Sangabo sacrificed his head.
It is in this spirit that the kings offered shelter to the Catholics
and the Muslims persecuted by their oppressors. It is in the spirit of
"serene joy and emotion of the pious" that our ancestors built
monumental structures that could match the glories of the ancient world.
The preservation and restoration of "the serene joy and the emotion of
the pious" is concept unique to the history of Sri Lanka. The nation's
historic struggle is to achieve this goal.
Of course, like any other chapter in human history there are the
infirmities of the blood-stained segments that go against this spirit.
We have just come out of one of those segments. We have come out of the
dark tunnel into the light.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa who led the way out has joined the daring
ancestors who carved out a unique chapter that can stand shoulder to
shoulder with pride in recorded history. More than the living it is the
generations to come who will reap the benefits of his monumental
achievements. While all his carping critics, enemies and the theoretical
pundits will go into oblivion located in the dustbins of history he will
rise to a peak which only a selected few had attained in the annals of
Sri Lanka.
To be continued
|