Sampanthan - Still in Wonderland
The
TNA, since the demise of the LTTE, has been hunting with hounds and
running with hares as and when it suits their parochial interests. They
claim to lobby for the interests of Tamils with the Government while at
the same time campaigning for a ‘war crime charges’ in Tamil Nadu and in
Western States where the ‘Tamil cause’ still persists. At the last
Presidential election the TNA canvassed hard for Fonseka not because he
was Presidential material but because they wanted to send ‘Mahinda
home’. This is because they expect the ensuing instability of the
country to suit their separatist agenda.
This has been the mentality of the Tamil leadership from 1931 where
they started their protests arguing the case against the grant of
universal franchise to Ceylon under the Donoughmore reforms. Then they
joined the Church to protest against the introduction of free education
in Ceylon and then objected to the grant of dominion status to Ceylon
unless 50 percent representation is granted to them.
R Sampanthan |
Communal politics in Ceylon commenced with the formation of Tamil
Congress in 1923 and as if that was not enough Ilankai Tamil Arasu
Kachchi (Party for a separate Tamil State) was formed in 1949 by the
Tamil leaders. Since then it has been a case of this country getting
divided on communal lines culminating in a terrorist war that cost the
country hundreds of thousand of lives, billions worth of collateral
damage and 34 years of opportunity.
Even after all this devastation, the TNA still continues articulating
its hackneyed demands such as the ‘right to self determination’ to the
Western and Tamil Nadu sympathizers. The recent protests conducted most
vindictively in Tamil Nadu against the holding of IIFA in Sri Lanka
could not have taken place without the blessings of the TNA.
From the above account it should be clear that these activities
conducted in the name of alleged ‘Tamil grievances’ have been an
unbearable baggage on the independent Ceylon and they still continue to
be so blithly to date. For how long more is this nation going to be
saddled with these unspecified ‘grievances’?
For 34 years our national leaders negotiated in earnest with armed
terrorist offering ‘this’, ‘that’ and the ‘other’ to address these
‘grievances’ only to be driven to the brink of national disintegration.
The question then is, if the driving force behind this never ending
attrition was minority grievances, why weren’t such grievances
negotiated during the times of Premadasa and Chandrika, two Presidents
who bent over backwards to reach a negotiated settlement? Then with the
present President, why weren’t they not even bothered to present their
grievances at Geneva?
Further, if all this agitations by the Tamil leaders were on
grievances, why should they protest against the grant of universal
franchise to all Ceylonese in 1931 and for extending free education to
all Sri Lankans in 1945? Aren’t those progressive measures meant to
alleviate whatever discrimination that was there at that time?
Hence then if the Tamil leaders have agitated against progressive and
equitable measures, such leaders have to be the reactionaries who have
perpetrated discrimination and certainly can not be the victims of
discrimination as alleged. Thus the Tamils have been the priviledged
rather than the discriminated in the Colonial Ceylon.
The fact then is that the Tamil leaders were fighting to protect
their privileges and in that quest they have used unspecified
‘grievances’ as a smoke screen because demands for privileges by a
community would not have been justifiable. Hence they justified even the
most brutal forms of terror under this guise of unspecified grievances.
Thus by arousing the tribal instinct in the average Tamils in Sri
Lanka, the Tamil politicians have been able to ensure their communal
vote base for the past 62 years. But where have these Tamil leaders led
their own people for the past 62 years after having lived off their
votes?
The Ceylon Tamils, from being the most privileged, cultured and
educated community in the pre-independent Ceylon have today come to be
the most fractured community in Sri Lanka. Even in numerical strength
this community that was 12 percent in 1948 is estimated today to make up
only six percent of the Sri Lankan population.
Further, the most unfortunate aspect of this decline is, as observed
by the prospective investors who toured the North recently, that the
standard of literacy and English of the average Jaffna man has taken a
heavy beating during the past 30 years. That then is the legacy of
Sampanthan and his predecessors who led the Tamil community in Sri Lanka
for the past 62 years.
J N Dixit, in his book Assignment Colombo makes a cynical comment
about R. Sampanthan.
He recalls how Sampanthan had been so particular that the Trincomalee
harbour should be included in the draft Dixit was to submit to Gandhi
and that prompts Dixit to opine that the Tamil leaders are more
concerned about the lands than about the rights of their people.
Therefore, in the final analysis the Tamil leaders in their hunger
for land have aroused communal passions and in the process have made the
Tamil community jetsam and flotsam over the years. The time is ripe for
Sampanthan & co to face reality and call off this bluff.
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