The UNP’s volatile urban chauvinists
Rajiva Wijesinha
Amongst the oddest pronouncements on the General Election was the
claim of the Opposition Leader that Parliament did not have a mandate
from the people. Interestingly enough, this assertion, that ‘Though the
Government has a majority they do not have a mandate from the people’
was reported in just one Sunday paper, while the papers that normally
highlight opposition rhetoric kept silent about this particular gaffe.
![](z_p08-The-UNP.jpg)
Voters gave a masive mandate for the Government at the recent
General Election. File photo |
The paper that is generally most sympathetic to Wickremesinghe was
more concerned with highlighting his defence of himself. He denied that
the defeat of the UNP indicated loss of faith in him as a leader, but
claimed it ‘indicated a loss of faith among UNP supporters in the
present electoral system’. How he squared this assertion with the most
graphic display of contempt for him indicated by Moneragala UNP voters
was not apparent.
It will be tragic however for the country if, to shore up his
leadership within the party, he engages in confrontation based on his
belief that the Government does not have ‘a mandate to rule’. Since he
is an intelligent man, and a qualified lawyer, and understands English
well, this little performance must be seen as subterfuge.
After all he knows perfectly well that, under the Constitution of
which he was such a fervent proponent when it kept him in power for 17
long years (without an election for half that period), executive
authority belongs with the President. Presumably his current argument,
based on the size of the poll, assures him that President Rajapaksa,
elected on a massive poll, has a massive mandate.
Lost faith
He also does not seem to understand, in his obsession with ruling,
what the word mandate actually means. It does not come from two English
words, as the unsophisticated might believe, indicating an
astrologically inspired date for a man, something on the lines perhaps
of Nehru’s tryst with destiny.
Rather, it comes from two Latin words, meaning committed or handed
over. Since nearly 60 percent of the people voted for a Parliament, soon
after a much larger number had given a massive mandate to the President,
it is apparent that a clear majority of the people of Sri Lanka have
faith in the Parliamentary process in terms of its current subordination
to the Presidency with regard to executive authority.
The more pertinent question, given that a clear majority of this
majority has opted for the governing coalition, is the implication for
the Opposition, and in particular for Wickremesinghe’s party. The fact
that it has over a million fewer votes than it obtained six years ago,
when similar numbers voted as today, suggests that it is the UNP under
Wickremesinghe in whom the voter has lost faith. Given that the
Opposition must play a role in democratic politics, we now have a
distinct vacuum.
Of course, despite the UNP’s appalling performance, it is far ahead
of other opposition parties, so it cannot be gainsaid that whatever
mandate exists in this regard belongs to the UNP rather than the TNA or
the DNA.
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Courtesy: Department of Elections |
The former of these, like the UNP, has done substantially worse in
terms of numbers as well as percentages than it did in 2004. Still, if
it continues to claim that the North and the East deserve special
treatment, and if the UNP falls for this trick, it could then claim that
it has a stronger mandate from the people to function as an opposition,
given that it did comparatively better in those areas than the UNP did
in the rest of the country.
Interesting too, if potentially worrying, is the relationship of the
UNP to the DNA. This latter party was absolutely trounced in the country
as a whole, and only performed respectably in the Western Province and
its adjuncts, namely areas that share in the prosperity and the mindset
of Colombo. Since it is that mindset that formed and continues to form
the core of UNP thinking, the UNP had better take cognizance of the fact
that its supremacy here may be in danger.
Selfish nationalism
In this respect I think the UNP must be glad that Ranil
Wickremesinghe, after his unfortunate flirtation with General Fonseka,
stepped smartly backwards and stopped what could have been forceful
infiltration. Earlier we had seen how natural UNP supporters began to
see the Tigers as an acceptable alternative, and I could see the same
happening with the General and his troops in Colombo.
Left to themselves, I would have thought that the bulk of UNP elite
urban supporters are not really what one would see as Fonseka groupies,
let alone adherents of JVP thinking. However, we must realize that there
is in these areas a segment of society that is in thrall to what I would
term a selfish nationalism, a nationalism that is exclusivist, to the
point of violence, and without understanding of social elements they see
as alien, whether it is the rural majority or ethnic minorities.
It is this element of selfish nationalism that the UNP has repeatedly
tried to exploit whenever it felt threatened by what I would call the
inclusive nationalism of the traditional SLFP. This was what Cyril
Mathew and J R Jayewardene let loose in the 50s to stymie Bandaranaike’s
efforts at compromise with the Federal Party at the time. It was these
elements that came to the fore in the UNP to stop Dudley Senanayake’s
efforts at compromise in the 60s, and that then dominated the UNP in the
early 80s with such tragic consequences.
It has to be granted though that such tactics were also designed to
strike chords in the SLFP, and unleash elements that were opposed to
inclusive nationalism. Thus in the 50s Jayewardene’s aunt by marriage,
Vimala Wijewardene, led a group that bullied Bandaranaike out of his
intrinsic inclusivity. Then, in the 60s, there was enough pressure to
lead not only Mrs Bandaranaike, but even the old usually idealistic
left, the LSSP and the CP, into what seemed racist postures.
It was this mindset that UNP strategists thought they were tapping
into when they appointed the General as their candidate for the
Presidency. Unfortunately that is not a mindset that can be controlled,
and some of its proponents seem to have stuck with the General, to the
extent of swallowing even the JVP, in the recent poll for Parliament.
That is the most plausible explanation of the decline by over 360,000
in the UNP vote, between 2004 and 2010, in the four Western Districts in
which the DNA has won five seats.
The other possibility is that, while the UPFA more than held its own
in those areas, even without the JVP, about a third of the UNP vote
simply stayed away. And whereas the JVP vote seemed to have dwindled to
hardly anything in the recent Provincial Council polls, it is now back
in this small but significant sector of society to levels which allow
for further manoeuvering.
DNA option
In one sense this may be a good thing for the more enlightened
elements in the UNP, that the forces which contributed to the ascendancy
of the old Cyril Mathew perspective have now opted for the DNA in
preference to the UNP. However in the UNP they might not have been
influential, whereas they may be able to take the DNA in directions that
some elements in the JVP, adopting the chauvinistic garb they exploited
in the 80s, might think electorally promising.
It had been hoped that the JVP had got over that mindset and reached
a more mature view of the world, but now it is possible that the space
the UNP created for the Fonseka phenomenon might prove a continuing
threat.
My hope then is that the UNP will soon develop a leadership that can
revive a two party system, including in the North and East.
The UPFA is well on the way to doing that, with its successes all
over the country, uniting so many different perspectives in an inclusive
nationalism.
The current UNP leadership is too weak to control the excesses of the
TNA and the DNA and, least of all, General Fonseka. It may be
superficially convenient for the Government, to have such a weak
opposition, but for the sake of the country - and therefore of the
Government too - we must hope that a less precious approach to politics
and policies will characterize the main Opposition party too.
(www.rajivawijesinha.wordpress.com)
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