Lightning strikes knife and sometimes knife-thrower too
Minister of Transport, Dulles Alahapperuma in a campaign speech drew
from that ancient practice of throwing a piece of iron out into the
garden when there was thunder and lightning, a practice that is
prevalent even today in many parts of the island. He was speaking of the
dilemma faced by the UNP leadership when the presidential election was
announced.
Ranil Wickremesinghe was in no state to take on Mahinda Rajapaksa and
neither was he prepared to risk a new face who might have taken over the
party, win or lose. Sarath Fonseka, Dulles argues, was ideal for the
situation: he was not someone identified with the party, was his own man
so to speak, would take the inevitable blows and draw all threats that
might have been otherwise directed towards the UNP.
What really happened? On January 27, Ranil Wickremesinghe announced
that the election result was fair and he accepted the verdict of the
people. Who caught the fire? Why, Sarath Fonseka of course! Surprised?
Some were. Not all.
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In early November, writing to the Daily Mirror (Elections: deciding
with what we prefer to be stung http://www.adaderana.lk/opinion.php?nid=2054),
I outlined the perennial problems of leaders, referring to Garcia
Marquez’ celebrated novel on the great Latin American ‘liberator’, Simon
Bolivar. This is what I wrote:
‘The author observes a factor that time and again cripples a leader:
aides painting rosy pictures, especially about one’s popularity. Back
then there were no opinion polls of course, but even today with
sophisticated methodologies to ascertain general perceptions, it is a
fact that leaders are fed cooked data, just to keep their spirits high.’
Fonseka, fed with fairytales about the mood of the electorate was
naturally shocked by the result. He was so amazed that he had to believe
that massive fraud had been perpetrated and that he had been robbed.
Let’s put things in perspective. Fonseka says that he had won by a
margin of 1.5 million.
The Elections Commissioner stated that Mahinda Rajapaksa won with a
majority of 1.8 million votes. Thus, the magnitude of the alleged fraud
as per Fonseka’s arithmetic comes to 3.3 million or more than one-third
of the total votes cast.
If anyone could get away with something like that without a shred of
evidence, that person must be the slickest creature on earth and ought
to be rewarded for ingenuity, skill and efficiency.
Ranil Wickremesinghe and other seasoned politicians know enough about
the realities to conclude that even if there had been foul play it could
not have had any bearing on the result.
The Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV), for example, has
said that staff had been intimidated in Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa,
Matale and Kurunegala. There were incidents and concern but the
situation had been brought to normal quickly enough to prevent any harm
being done. Indeed, had the process been compromised he could have and
probably would have ordered a re-poll.
All three districts are UPFA strongholds. It was expected that
Mahinda Rajapaks would win these districts. The final results indicate
that the aggregate majority for the bulath kolaya from these districts
came to 545488. If we subtract this amount and essentially have the vote
in these districts split 50-50 among these two candidates, Fonseka still
has to account for 2.85 million votes (to prove fraud).
It is all rather silly and the more Fonseka talks the sillier he will
appear to be. For such fraud to take place, the Elections Commissioner,
the agents of all parties present in the counting stations, the police
and all elections observers have to be involved in a monumental
conspiracy to turn around the people’s verdict. All things considered,
it looks like Sarath Fonseka is suffering from a sad case of sour
grapes.
He has said that he will contest the forthcoming general election
under the ‘swan’ symbol. He had his moment in the sun. History records
that for one brief moment, some 4 million people stood with him. The
moment passed and with the passing people moved on, as they must.
They wagered that Fonseka might defeat Rajapaksa. They lost. It was a
hopeful effort, but they fell quite short in the end. Fonseka, sadly,
was that manna knife that Ranil threw into the political garden. There
was a bold of lightning. Fonseka caught it. Had a moment of glory, yes,
but it’s all over now.
What of the knife-thrower, the permanent resident of that house
called ‘Opposition’? He’s unscathed, that’s clear. There’s one thing he
didn’t count on, though and that’s something that our villages are not
unaware of.
You can throw a yakada kaella into the garden but sometimes this is
not enough to keep lightning from your house. The bolt that struck
Fonseka down struck Sirikotha as well. Lightning is a curious thing.
It reveals a wide slice of the landscape in a fraction of a second.
And in that incredible illumination, there was this truth that got
revealed: the diga palala and location of the UNP’s ‘assured’ vote base:
that geography defined as the Colombo Municipal limits.
The Colombans stood with the UNP and the UNP’s chosen candidate,
Sarath Fonseka. The results from the rest of the country indicate a
serious erosion of the UNP’s vote base. That Fonseka lost the Colombo
District is also a significant blow, a lightning strike that has damaged
the architecture of Sirikotha.
Fonseka is past-tense for all intents and purposes. He is not a Ranil
Wickremesinghe but has proved to be as difficult a customer to market.
He didn’t know what he was getting into and that kind of innocence is
rarely forgiven.
He was led up the garden path by politicians who themselves are poor
at arithmetic, live lives totally divorced from the realities lived by
the vast majority of the people and who suffered the worst trick that
politics plays on politicians: self-delusion.
There are lessons to be learned there, IF people are ready to drop
egos and arrogance and moreover are endowed with even a smattering of
those qualities called humility and grace.
Fonseka need not worry of course, but the UNP and JVP have to do a
serious re-think of politics.
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