SL Armed Forces driven by humanitarian spirit
Text of the address
delivered by Minister of External Affairs Professor G. L. Peiris, at the
Defence Seminar held on August 8
I would like to begin by congratulating Defence Secretary Gotabhaya
Rajapaksa and the defence establishment on this very timely initiative.
It can truly be described as the need of the hour. When there is a great
deal of criticism founded on erroneous premises and there are false
assumptions made, I think the best answer to this is complete, accurate,
up to date information. That was precisely what was provided to all of
you in abundant measure by the comprehensive presentation that was made
by Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
The purpose of this seminar is to focus on the role of the Armed
Forces during the conflict, remembering that it is not a role that came
to an end with the cessation of the conflict in May 2009. It is very
much a vibrant and continuing role, and we need today to understand
clearly the nature and the scope of that role. It is to create that
understanding that this seminar was conceived of, and it is the spirit
in which it is now being presented to you.
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Minister
Professor G. L. Peiris |
I spoke of false impressions and misinformation. A great deal of this
is attributable to local situations being approached from a cultural
perspective, which is fundamentally different from the ground situation
in Sri Lanka. There has been in some quarters considerable
misunderstanding about the nature of the Armed Forces and their
relationship to the Sri Lankan State and to the Sri Lankan community.
European history
European history has been dominated during extensive periods by
conflicts among nations. During these epochs high profile military
leaders have dominated the political stage. Indeed it would not be an
exaggeration to say that European history during these periods has
revolved around personalities like Napoleon and across the water the
Duke of Wellington, Bismark of Germany and Garribaldi of Italy. It is
these personalities that have moulded the basic forces of European
history at that time.
Professor Harold Laski, in his classic work, The Grammar of Politics,
describes the Armed Forces of the state as the most visible expression
of the coercive authority of the State. Prof A. V. Dicey, in his famous
Vinerian lectures delivered at the University of Oxford, defines the
relationship between the Armed Forces and the state in strikingly
similar terms.
I want to emphasize to you that the Sri Lankan situation is
fundamentally different. What the Armed Forces were doing during the
conflict was not an engagement against a foreign force. It was not an
adventure of conquest. It had an entirely different objective. That
objective was to release an oppressed people from the thraldom of terror
and make it possible for them to lead a life that was built on dignity
and freedom. That was the role and objective of the Armed Forces. People
who could not even think of making decisions for themselves, or making
choices in a spirit of spontaneity, and were subjugated and intimidated,
these are the people to whom the army brought relief during that
turbulent period in the contemporary history of our country.
What are the manifestations of this? I recall a visit to Nagadeepa,
the historic Buddhist temple situated in the North, and I recall the
chief priest of that temple telling me "Minister, I want to tell you
that, at the height of the conflict, when there was so much violence, no
harm came to us at any time".
The Army and the Navy at that time provided the monks in that temple
with every meal and he told me that the Army and the Navy looked after
the monks in the temple just as they would look after their own parents.
That was the spirit of empathy and compassion which marked the
activities of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces during that operation.
In order to assess critically the validity of some of the criticisms
that are heard, let us look at the factual context. The situation in
Nandikadal in the closing stages of the war represented the most serious
hostage situation in modern military history, in terms of numbers
300,000 civilians trapped on a narrow strip of land between the lagoon
and the sea, the LTTE using these civilians as human shields, compelling
them to accompany the LTTE from place to place to dig trenches and to do
other work for them.
The government of Sri Lanka announced that they are welcome in the
government controlled areas where food, medical facilities and freedom
awaited them. The film that we were just shown provides visual evidence
of the measures that were adopted by the LTTE to prevent these people
from exercising their freedom of choice and having access to government
controlled areas. Indeed the LTTE opened fire and killed many of them.
There are also very moving photographs that I myself have seen of
members of the army helping the aged, the sick and the children to cross
the waters of the lagoon. They do not epitomize aggression of the Armed
Forces. On the contrary, the Armed Forces were performing a very
unconventional and unorthodox role, because of the nature of the
operation and its inherent objectives.
United Nations system
There is also misinformed criticism regarding the no fire zones. Not
only Sri Lankan government records, but contemporary records of the
United Nations system demonstrate beyond any shadow of doubt what really
happened in that situation. The LTTE made systematic and persistent use
of the no fire zones to come into these areas and with the full
knowledge and assurance that the Armed Forces will not open fire, they
considered themselves free to engage in their activities, making use of
that situation to fire at government troops. This is documented in
reports which emanate from sources other than the government of Sri
Lanka.
Economic renaissance
In all these situations the course of action that was adopted by the
army gave pride of place to humanitarian considerations. Indeed, the
military operation could have ended considerably earlier with far less
loss of life and limb to members of the Armed Forces. But a deliberate
decision was made by his the President and Gotabhaya Rajapaksa not to do
that. That is the true situation on the ground which has been grossly
misrepresented by some of the criticism which has emanated from certain
parties. That is how the Armed Forces behaved during the conflict.
Both Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Lieutenant General Jagath Jayasuriya
spoke of the continuing contribution of the Armed Forces to nation
building, which is no less significant than the unique role they played
in bringing peace and stability to our land. Let us consider what the
Armed Forces have done after the conflict was over, that is after May
2009.
The Defence Secretary referred in some detail to the very difficult
and hard work that was done by the army with regard to the clearing of
mines. This was an incredibly complex operation. Several months ago
there was a situation in which a French bomb disposal expert was blown
up while engaged in demining operations. In Puthukudrrippu and
Merintongpaththu, those are some of the areas that the LTTE occupied in
the closing stages of the war - the work is still not 100 percent
complete.
It is the mining which had been done in those parts of the country
which created considerable delays with regard to the resettlement of
internally displaced persons. And as Secretary Rajapaksa pointed out,
starting with 296,000 people, it is now down to almost nothing and he
said by the middle of this month the resettlement of the IDPs would be
completed. So demining was one of the principal humanitarian activities
embarked upon by the Army after the conclusion of hostilities. Then
housing: the whole idea is to make it possible for people who have
suffered so much agony and pain during three decades to begin a new life
with confidence in the future.
In order to do that you have to provide them with the basic
necessities of living. And among them obviously is shelter. So the
government of Sri Lanka very rightly placed a very sharp emphasis on
housing.
The army played a significant role in the construction of houses by
providing, as we were told by the Defence Secretary, both engineering
expertise and manpower.
Today we see an economic renaissance in the Northern part of Sri
Lanka. One of the principal reasons for this has been the focus on
development of infrastructure. No government in Sri Lanka's history has
undertaken so much expenditure on the construction of highways and
railroads systems. This could not have been achieved without the active
contribution of the Armed Forces.
They played not just a useful, but indeed an indispensable role with
regard to the construction and improvement of infrastructure in that
part of the country, which substantially accounts for the unique
economic progress which has been achieved in the Northern Province
within a remarkably brief time span.
The other aspect of it is the disarming of violent groups. That is an
absolute necessity to provide a backdrop for many other things which
need to be done as a matter of priority in the post conflict situation.
For example, how can you move towards the conduct of elections in an
atmosphere that is bereft of duress if you still have armed groups
operating in the areas where elections are to be held? Who can actually
do the disarming? The Armed Forces have to necessarily perform that
function.
These are some of the activities that the Armed Forces have been
engaged in since the end of the conflict, and without their vigorous
involvement, it would have been quite impossible to achieve the degree
of success which has been accomplished on the ground during the last
three years.
Foreign observers
I want to make a comment on the perception in some quarters which has
been articulated persistently abroad with regard to the alleged
militarization of the Northern Province. Again it is very important to
understand the historical context and the cultural underpinnings of that
situation. Every country has a culture of its own, a social history,
traditions and values. These cannot be regarded as transferable across
nations and cultures.
It is a fact of life which we all recognize that at the height of the
conflict the Armed Forces were called upon to perform functions that an
army would generally not undertake. For example, the retail trade; they
had to do that, not through choice but through necessity.
To be continued
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