Inconsistencies and deceit in the Darusman Panel-Weiss account of
Convoy 11
Prof. Rajiva WijesinhA, MP
The United Nations has, I gather, taken note of my detailed account
of Chris du Toit and his network of observers, as have others in the
Congo who I presume came across him later, after his involvement in what
his disciple Gordon Weiss describes as ‘the illicit wars fought by South
Africa in Angola’. I have however been reminded that, perhaps more even
than Weiss, the responsibility for the attack on Sri Lanka with regard
to ‘its shelling of the United Nations hub’ rests on the other colonel
who reported to Weiss, namely the retired Bangladeshi colonel Harun Khan
who ‘had led brigades into battle and managed counter-insurgency
operations in his own country’.
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP |
I myself continue to believe that Harun was comparatively innocent,
and it was his boss Chris du Toit who was the linchpin of the operation
to pile allegations on Sri Lanka. But certainly Weiss quotes Harun
directly, and it would seem that it is his evidence that has contributed
to the criticisms contained in Paragraphs 80 to 94 in the Darusman
report. The Darusman report leaps from place to place in its account,
indicating the vague nature of the panellists’ knowledge. Para 80 begins
‘On January 20, 2009, the Government unilaterally declared a No Fire
Zone (NFZ)’ and remarks that ‘The LTTE did not accept the NFZ as
binding.
The rationale for the location of the NFZ, which encompassed the
LTTE’s western and southern defensive lines, and the boundary of which
along the A35 was only 800 metres north of the advancing SLA frontline,
was not clear’. That last line suggests that the panellists had some
sympathy with the refusal of the LTTE to accept the NFZ, a refusal that
led to concerted use of the NFZ for its own military operations. Then in
Para 81 the Panel concentrates on the hospital at Vallipuram, declaring
that ‘On or around January 19 to 21, SLA shells hit Vallipuram hospital,
located in the first NFZ, killing patients.
Throughout the final stages of the war, virtually every hospital in
the Vanni, whether permanent or makeshift, was hit by artillery.
Particularly those which contained wounded LTTE were hit repeatedly’.
This unequivocal claim is belied by what Tamilnet reported on January
22. As I have noted before, the assumption of the panellists that they
alone care about civilians, is belied by the care taken by our forces. I
have also pointed out that I would monitor Tamilnet every day and get
reports of allegations, for which I would ask for explanations if they
seemed serious. Whilst obviously this was not a comprehensive nor
entirely reliable methodology, I believe it represents a worst case
scenario. Certainly, when I showed my documentation once to Al-Jazeera,
they affirmed that this was pretty much the same information they had
received.
On January 22 what Tamilnet said was ‘The Intensive Care Unit (ICU)
and the surgical site of the Mullaitivu hospital, functioning as a
makeshift hospital at Vallipuram school, were damaged in Sri Lanka Army
(SLA) artillery fire Wednesday night and Thursday around 12.20 pm, after
the Sri Lanka government declared that the area where the hospital is
situated is a ‘secure zone’, medical authorities at the hospital said
Thursday. Five civilians were killed within the hospital premises
Thursday.’
If this is true, it can only be collateral damage. Had the hospital
been ‘bombarded’ as the headline proclaimed, it is not possible that
there could have been only five dead, and fifteen wounded, as asserted.
Rather, the implication is that even the LTTE could claim nothing but
some damage to the hospital, which might have been caused by a single
shell. I have noted previously that the allegation of the panel in its
introduction, that ‘The government systematically shelled hospitals on
the frontlines. All hospitals in the Vanni were hit by mortars and
artillery, some of them were hit repeatedly, despite the fact that their
locations were well- known to the Government’ is completely false.
With regard to Killinochchi for instance, taking which involved long
and protracted fighting, there were no allegations at all of damage to
the hospital by the army, though on October 31 it had been alleged that
‘Two artillery shells fired by the Sri Lanka Army exploded Friday
morning close to the wall of the Killinochchi hospital, causing panic
among the patients and the staff’. With regard to the airforce, there
was just one allegation, namely that jets ‘dropped bombs near
Killinochchi hospital’ and three persons ‘were wounded in the
bombardment. Shrapnels hit the hospital building causing damage’.
To get back to the work, if that is the right word, of Colonel
Harun’s convoy, the Darusman panel notes that, after ‘the LTTE refused
the convoy permission to proceed to Vavuniya due to the presence of
national staff’ most international staff returned to Vavuniya but two
members stayed behind. Government was told that they wanted to persuade
the LTTE to let national staff leave, but this of course never happened.
Instead, the panel claims that ‘On January 23, 2009, the United Nations
staff relocated to the first NFZ, as a large SLA offensive on PTK seemed
imminent. They set up a hub near Suthanthirapuram Junction along the A35
and relayed their coordinates to the Vanni commander.
A large number of civilians also relocated to the NFZ and set up
their shelters around the United Nations hub. Most civilians settled in
just north of the A35, since other parts of the NFZ were not suitable
for erecting shelters. The Additional Government Agent (AGA) established
a food distribution centre nearby.
During the day, shells fired from Government-controlled areas in the
south started landing occasionally in the NFZ. In the evening, shells
fell on the food distribution centre, killing and wounding a large
number of civilians.’ This is different in some particulars from what
Gordon Weiss says, though the impression he seems to create is similar
to that of the panel. His claim is that Harun stopped in
Suthanthirapuram where there were already ‘thousands and thousands of
people’ and food distribution was already going on. Harun apparently
felt ‘a decreasing level of anxiety’ and set up camp, even though army
artillery was firing along the road and ‘many people were killed and
wounded’.
Then, in the night, according to Weiss, all hell broke loose, with
Harun being quoted as saying ‘“It went on for hours, hundreds of shells,
I couldn’t count...the kind of indiscriminate covering barrage that is
used to shield an advance. But it was non-stop, and it was striking the
field full of people who had just eaten their dinners and gone to
sleep”’ Weiss himself adds for good measure that Harun ‘could see the
shells exploding where thousands of refugees were camped. He saw one
shell tear apart a small hut housing humanitarian workers who had been
distributing food and water that afternoon’.
All this is pretty strong stuff, and the panel too talks of hundreds
of shells.’ rained down in the NFZ. It goes on to say ‘Although LTTE
cadre were present in the NFZ, there was no LTTE presence inside the
United Nations hub. The LTTE did fire artillery from approximately 500
metres away as well as from further back in the NFZ, but the area where
the United Nations was based was very clearly civilian. The Government
never gave an explanation for its shelling of the United Nations hub,
which was the only international presence in the NFZ’.
The panel clearly never wondered whether the government did not give
any explanation precisely because the UN at that time never made the
type of claim we see in the panel report and in Gordon Weiss’s book.
As I have said before, indeed at the time, all we were told about the
incident - other than the calls made by the UN to which we responded,
and which culminated in the UN Resident Representative sending us a text
to say they believed the bulk of firing had come from the LTTE - was the
description given by Chris du Toit when we called him in to the Ministry
of Disaster Management and Human Rights, to discuss the figures that
were being bandied about of civilian casualties over a month’s period.
He told us then that they could not be sure from the trajectories
where most of the shells had come from, but the one shell of which they
could be sure - and he showed us the crater of a blown up photograph -
had come from the LTTE.
Other circumstantial evidence suggests that the narrative presented
by the Darusman panel and by Weiss is gobbledegook. Weiss records that
there were ‘132 staff members and their families’ whom the UN were
asking the Tigers to release.
They seem to have been with Harun when the panel claims that
government was engaged in ‘shelling of the United Nations hub’. None of
them was killed or injured, indeed none was killed or injured over the
next four months, which suggests that there was no indiscriminate
shelling of civilians.
And, most tellingly, Tamilnet does not record the scene of carnage
that Weiss and the Darusman panel trumpet forth. Tamilnet said nothing
about Suthanthirapuram on 24th January, and on the 25th it alleged only
22 deaths, declaring that the Sri Lanka Army ‘continued artillery
shelling on densely populated ‘safety zone’ in Chutanthipuram,
Udaiyaarkaaddu and Thearaavil in Visuvamadu throughout Sunday, at least
twice attacking the vicinity of the supply centre, located at
Chutanthipuram playground, the only centre in Vanni where humanitarian
supplies brought in by the UN World Food Programme are distributed. Two
shells exploded in the premises, killing five members of a single family
of Jegatheeswaran, owner of a saloon displaced from Visuvamadu. Five
more civilians, including children and women, were also killed. Body
parts were scattered across the locality and not all of them could be
identified, according to medical sources. At least 13 civilians were
wounded at the site’.
The headline was ‘SLA shelling kills 22 civilians, wounds 60, targets
humanitarian supply centre’. Interestingly, Weiss records a tactic of
the LTTE that seems designed to provoke fire towards targets they wanted
damaged. He writes how ‘Tiger mobile artillery unites played cat and
mouse with SLA artillery locator devices. They would fire a shell of two
before hitching their howitzer and moving to a fresh location’ and, even
more pertinently, he had also written, ‘Harun could see the barrel
flashes from a Tiger heavy artillery piece just 300 metres from the
hospital, quite apart from hearing its thumping reports.
As the Tiger artillery sent outgoing rounds against the army’s
advance, and then quickly shifted position, he could count off the
seconds until an incoming barrage responded in an effort to destroy the
guns’.
Any sensible observer would have understood and roundly condemned
such tactics. But for a man who glorified suicide bombers, presumably
this would have been another example of something ‘supra-human’, the
sacrifice of other lives a mere detail in the Nietschzian vision Weiss
privileges. |