SWRD, Philip and people's victory of 1956

Ananda MEEGAMA

The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna that turned the world of the elite upside down was composed of many dissident forces in Sri Lankan society. Its popular slogan was based on movement of peasants, workers, monks, ayurvedic physicians and the swabasha teachers.

They were challenging the social groups and forces in Sri Lanka that had bolstered the colonial raj both in the villages and in the towns. These ranged from the old radala and mudliyar class, the village headmen, the estate owners especially the foreign and Sri Lankan owners of rubber and coconut estates, the affluent English speaking elite in trade, commerce and the leading members among the legal and medical professions. People were challenging not only the economic hegemony of these groups, but also the cultural imperialism exerted by their use of the English language.

Launching of the Chandrika Wewa reservoir and southern irrigation schemes in 1958: Land Deputy Minister D. A. Rajapaksa, Minister Wimala Wijewardena, Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, Agriculture Minister Philip Gunawardena and Commerce Deputy Minister Lakshman Rajapakse atop a tractor at Chandrika Wewa site in Embilipitiya.

Most of all, the people objected to the mahaththaya complex, which treated them as inferior, and to what they felt was a condescending attitude displayed by the ruling party towards Buddhism.

The whole election campaign was symbolized by a famous cartoon which showed Prime Minister Sir John Kotelawela in a procession accompanied by a belly dancer and assorted representatives of the ruling classes and their foreign supporters taking a slaughtered calf to a barbeque.

Ironically the challenge was led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike the scion of a family that had been closely allied to the colonial power. Educated at Oxford, the finest debater in the Oxford of his day and in parliament, he was elected uncontested in 1931 and 1936 to the State Council.

Bandaranaike was responsible for establishing a countrywide network of maternity homes and rural hospitals and providing services that were instrumental in lowering very high infant and child mortality as well as maternal mortality in the decade 1937-47 to what was a record low for a third world society.

He allied himself with the bete noir of the conservatives Kannangara who was leading the fight for free education and with the LSSP on issues such as the Bracegirdle case and the Mooloya incident both of which shook the hold of the colonial state.

In 1956 against a very formidable foe, Bandaranaike mustered a front consisting of a varied group of parties and persons. The front also came to a no-contest pact with the Lanka Samasamaja Party and the Communist party.

The Peramuna consisted of Bandaranaike's own Sri Lanka Freedom Party, and several other rebels from other parties. However, the most formidable of Bandaranaike's allies who was later to became the backbone of the MEP Government was Philip Gunawardena known as the Father of Sri Lankan Marxism and his Viplavakari Lanka Samasamaja Party a breakaway faction of the old LSSP. In the 1952 election the UNP. had obtained 54 seats to the 22 polled by Bandaranaike's party and the Left. The result of the election hung on the interior electorates that had traditionally voted in local notables, stalwart supporters of the UNP.

The election was decisively swung towards Bandaranayke only when the monks came out in his support. For a year or so before the election, the Buddhists led by the monks were agitated by the status accorded to Buddhism by the Government.

In 1956 the UNP of Sir John and J. R. Jayewardene representing more the English speaking anglicized elite aroused the ire of the monks by ignoring the Buddhist plea for reforms. In many areas the monks went on a house-to-house campaign urging the people to support Bandaranaike. The UNP was devastated and ended with eight seats to Bandaranaike's and the Left tally of 68.

The MEP government lasted for a short three years but during that period it set its stamp on Sri Lankan society and some of the ideals it espoused are today taken as a matter of course by all political parties. The nationalization of bus transport and the establishment of the CTB provided for the first time cheap transport to many hitherto inaccessible areas where many farming communities lived.

Labour legislation provided some security for the worker whilst the provident fund scheme, relief on retirement. The government swung to a non-aligned position in foreign affairs, established diplomatic relations with the socialist countries, and saw to the removal of foreign bases from the country.

Consequent to the switch to swabasha the arts and culture flourished in the country, and the last half century has also seen a cultural renaissance in literature, cinema and drama.

Philip Gunawardena moved quickly in agriculture. Paddy cultivation was in a crippled condition and even the owner cultivator heavily in debt had no capital to improve the land.

The tenant farmer's share of produce in some areas was very small, and without security of tenure, he had no incentive to improve the land. The Paddy Lands Bill gave security to the tenant farmer, and the Multi Purpose Coops and the proposed cooperative banks were to provide the tenant as well as owner cultivators with the much-needed services, inputs and credit.

Philip's agricultural plan, published in 1968 with the support of a group of dedicated public servants, encompassed food and plantation crops, animal husbandry, distribution, credit, crop insurance, multi purpose cooperatives, it covered all the problem areas and stands as good a blueprint as any for planning even today.

A fragmentation law stopped the destruction of the plantations. He pressed for the nationalization of foreign owned plantations but had no illusions about nationalization for its own sake. He realized that a movement based only on social reforms was doomed, and that production and incomes had to be increased.

His old comrade of the VLLSP William Silva, Industries and Fisheries Minister, took steps to create an industrial base by setting up the steel, rubber and hardware corporations with assistance from socialist countries. These years also saw the beginnings of private industry, and the mechanization of the fishing industry.

Philip Gunawardena gave an economic underpinning to the 56 revolution. Bandaranaike depended very much on Philip to keep the government from being dragged away from the people - even in those years Colombo society tried its best to wean away the MPs from the provinces.

Philip brought with him not only the experience of the Samasamaja years but also that of many years of revolutionary activity abroad.

In this context one has to appreciate the leadership given by President Mahinda Rajapaksa who has kept the progressive forces together and brought peace to the country.