Fonseka failed to measure up to Presidential stature

Measuring up and readiness to be President is the vital dynamic voters seek. A sparkling leadership amidst blazing cannons projected of the common candidate Sarath Fonseka frizzled out as taints of self-interest and vendettas surfaced. The correlating and robust political discourse on issues had not emerged either. Fonseka’s quick acquiescence to the TNA demands came as no surprise.

It seemed a fuller and productive discussion of all issues had been overlooked. Contrary to that self-centred deviant view, people are aware that Sri Lanka is heading towards a smooth take-off into economic heights.

Where Fonseka was taking the country and in which manner never got fully disclosed except in broad strokes with scanty attention to key parametres of economic growth.

The moral duty of the challenger to cause an enlightening foray into matters of justice, rights, or policy is singularly vital for the democratic give and take associated with elections. Consensus inducing discourse seemed to have escaped Fonseka’s campaign. He just grass-hopped from topic to topic which is unacceptable in politics.

He has skirted round the subjects of devolution, the nuances of Executive Presidency, how to alter the size and contours of that system to create a lasting political advantage as the guarantee of what he was bringing to the table. That sterling leadership quality failed to surface during the campaign.

Forty days in politics

Forces ensured the full control of the sluice gates of Mavil Aru regulating the water flow to the farmers. File photo

Extreme awkwardness of being thrown into the ring by his sponsoring coalition partners with a predisposed aversion to contest the Presidency on their own caused Fonseka an irrecoverable drawback from which he could never escape.

The policy positions and swings of the UNP, JVP and the TNA defined Fonseka to a T as the fragile disjointed and short-circuited head of an unmanageable coalition who froze on arrival. It seemed natural that he would crave for a longer period to evolve along with the broader political environment. His pet theme “forty days in politics and 40 years in the Army” pretty much summed up the situation.

Starting gaffe

The starting gaffe that Fonseka had in alleging that white-flagged surrendees were shot by his former colleagues nailed him to a gloomed outlook that kept him in the bondage of the sponsors.

The expected jockeying between the Government and Opposition, usual source of rancour was secondary to the simmering power struggle within the triumvirate heading the Opposition alliance-UNP, JVP and the TNA.

The country has not forgotten the attempts the TNA had made to disrupt Parliamentary proceedings with all kinds of protests accusing as it did the numerous human rights violations under General Fonseka’s command-all at the behest of the demolished Tiger leader.

There is no way all that could be pushed under the carpet for immediate political gain by joining the TNA.

Shadow boxing the issues

Fonseka has just shadow-boxed his way during the campaign relying on mere anecdotal hearsay to accuse his opponent of wrong doing. Empirical data eludes Fonseka as he plunged into a tirade against a delusional dystopia of deprivation, oppression, terror. It sounded almost schizophrenic. Fonseka even heard that mythical orders were flying all over when he was away in China during the crucial days of the terror war. It was hysterically absurd and laughable.

Driveling like an impresario for the benefit of a flock of sycophantic accessories to mull over and hallucinate about war crimes done by his former colleagues constituted a damning indictment of his own inept attitude towards politics. That act of denunciation and treachery brought immediate reprisals from the electorate cricking at the very thought of betrayal.

Anatomy of war strategy

The Opposition’s election campaign has heightened the war strategy executed by the President. When the Mavil Aru episode erupted threatening the lives of 600 farmers no one expected easy answers. Speedy Presidential action thwarted the Tiger atrocity. Operation “Watershed” was waged until the Government ensured the full control of the sluice gates regulating the water flow to the farmers. International pressure was at its height to stop the President’s directives. The monitoring missions seemed helpless. The President won the battle and on August 8, 2006 LTTE announced it was restoring the water. That set the tone for the eventual defeat of the LTTE.

The country also remembers graphically when the international forces and their local appendages tried to derail the Budget vote of 2007. Crossovers were financed and executed to topple the Government. The Opposition expected several MPs to cross over from the Government side to the Opposition. If that succeeded the LTTE would have run their troops all over the country. That coup became a fiasco.

The Presidents’ decision to get the Navy in 2007 to destroy several large LTTE ships carrying arms and ammunition in the high seas dealt a severe blow to the LTTE’s international arms shipment network. It drastically reduced LTTE firepower. This was a major turning point of the war.

Presidential action also thwarted the LTTE Diaspora and the aligning cohorts of the West to bring our conflict into the Security Council agenda. China, Russia and Vietnam stood firmly behind Sri Lanka. The President and his team were victorious. That stopped the threat of an unwarranted peace keeping force arriving in Sri Lanka.

The same forces tried again at the UN Human Rights council where there are no veto powers to any country. Fortunately, the President had posted diplomats like Dayan Jayatillake, Rajiva Wijesinha and Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe to counteract the Diaspora siege. Our efforts prevailed. This victory was as valuable as the military victory in the North.

The arrest of the new leader of LTTE and financier KP was the final nail in the coffin of the LTTE. That was executed to precision. They are in custody in Sri Lanka. All those are fully appreciated by the Sri Lankans.

Leadership deficit

Sarath Fonseka is not spearheading a political movement reminiscent of leaders of stature who set a standard of excellence. He is attracting all manner of people who have something to protest about - not just the Rajapaksa regime but everything they can get their hands on or may be even the whole the political system and the Executive Presidency.

Fonseka candidacy has to be evaluated by looking at his motivations and ambitions and his competence or lack of it to be President. The verdict would be pretty clear.