Spring of ’79 - six weeks that rocked Iran
Branu Rahim
The
writer was in Iran during this period as a sub-editor in the
English Language newspaper Tehran Journal. He was later
instrumental in publication of the first post-revolutionary
English daily, the Tehran Times as its News Editor. Thirty
years later he recounts the turbulent final six weeks of the
Islamic Revolution culminating in a glorious people’s
victory. |
Today February 11, 2009 marks the 30th anniversary of the Iranian
Revolution which toppled the Pahlavi Dynasty and installed the
undisputed leader of the uprising, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in power.
It was New Year’s day in 1979, nearly a year since demonstrations
first erupted against the rule of the Iranian monarch Shah Mohamed Reza
Pahlavi, when he met the media and declared his intention of ‘going on a
vacation’.
The Shah’s last appointed Prime Minister, Shahpour Bakhtiar
afterwards announced that his acceptance of the premiership was
conditional upon the monarch taking a long leave of absence from the
country.
A few days later in preparation for his departure, the Shah vested
his personal holdings in the country amounting to over US $ 200 million
to the monarchy sponsored Pahlavi Foundation.
On January 13, 1979 he appointed a Regency Council to represent him
in his absence. About the same time, the undisputed leader of the
Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini announced in his
headquarters-in-exile in Paris the formation of a Revolutionary Council
to instal an Islamic Republic in Iran. Sources close to the Shah
revealed that he had also cautioned his generals against staging a
military coup.
With the monarch himself at the controls of the royal jetliner ‘Shahin’,
the Shah and his family surreptitiously left Iran on January 16, 1979.
He appealed to the people to preserve the monarchy during his
‘indefinite vacation’. As news of the Shah’s departure hit the cities
across Iran, there was widespread jubilation with tens of thousands of
people taking to the streets.
Ayatollah Khomeini
Two days later, in the backdrop of pro-Khomeini demonstrations that
followed, the then US Attorney General Ramsay Clarke gave little or no
chance of survival for the Bakhtiar Government and urged the United
States to make contact with Ayatollah Khomeini. Meanwhile, the Ayatollah
refused to meet an envoy of the Shah’s Regency Council at his
headquarters near Paris.
Over a million anti-Shah demonstrators marched through the streets of
Tehran the following day, demanding the overthrow of Bakhtiar and urging
Khomeini to form a provisional Government.
This was followed by the religious leader announcing that he will
return to Iran on January 24, 1979 ending 14 years of enforced exile.
The move prompted the Prime Minister to summon the National Security
Council to discuss measures for the Ayatollah’s arrival after which he
publicly called for an end to demonstrations against the Constitution.
Two days prior to Khomeini’s impending return to Iran, the military
closed Tehran’s Mehrabad Airport while premier Bakhtiar announced he had
sent a representative to Paris to negotiate with the Ayatollah, who
brushed aside the Prime Minister’s appeal to delay his return to Iran.
The next day, the hierarchy of the Armed Forces backed by the elite
Imperial Guards vowed their fidelity to the Shah and declared they would
stay united and were ‘ready to shed their blood’ to preserve the
monarchy.
January 26,1979 saw some of the worst street fighting since the start
of the revolution with troops engaged in running battles with many
thousands of anti-Bakhtiar demonstrators. In a controlled show of
defiance, hundreds of thousands of the Ayatollah’s supporters marched
peacefully through the capital and other cities the next day demanding
the religious leader’s return. Meanwhile, Bakhtiar announced plans to go
to Paris to meet Khomeini.
Security Arrangements
On January 28, 1979 the Prime Minister ordered the closure of all
airports in Iran until further notice in a bid to delay the Ayatollah’s
return. This development angered the religious leader who rejected
Bakhtiar’s offer of a meeting unless the premier resigned. Bakhtiar’s
move led to eruption of fresh rioting in Tehran. Meanwhile, the Prime
Minister calling the demands unacceptable, cancelled plans to meet
Khomeini in France.
Military administrators announced on January 30, 1979 that Tehran’s
airport had reopened and that the Ayatollah was free to return and would
do so in two day. However, in Paris, officials of France’s national
carrier Air France confirmed that they would not fly the religious
leader in a chartered aircraft until they were satisfied with the
security arrangements. In a related development on the same day, the US
Embassy ordered all non-essential Americans to return home.
In a massive show of strength on the eve of Khomeini’s return, Armed
Forces vehicles filled with troops patrolled Tehran. About this time,
the Ayatollah boarded a chartered plane in Paris for his return to Iran.
An aide of Khomeini on board expressed grave concern that an attempt may
be made to shoot the aircraft down in Iranian airspace.
On the morning of February 1, 1979 the aircraft glided smoothly and
landed at Mehrabad Airport for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeni’s triumphant
return to his motherland after a decade and four years of exile. Over a
million people including this writer was there to witness this moment of
history. “I am going to establish a Government with your backing,” he
declared, leaving no doubt that a confrontation with the Bakhtiar
Government was in the offing.
Riding a wave of adulation, the Ayatollah received many thousands of
his supporters at a courtyard of a school in the South of Tehran and
demanded for Bakhtiar’s resignation ignoring the premier’s request for a
meeting between the two.
Whilst seeking a peaceful transition, he warned Bakhtiar that he
would not hesitate to wage a ‘jihad (holy war)’ unless the Prime
Minister resigned and made way for the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The Ayatollah also said that he would soon announce the formation of
a Provisional Government to pave the way for an Islamic State. In
response, Bakhtiar, whose intention also was to avoid a confrontation
which would well lead to a civil war, indicated that he had no
opposition to the formation of Khomeini’s shadow Government, but
steadfastly refused to step down.
Striking Employees
On February 5, 1979 the Ayatollah appointed 70-year-old Moslem
nationalist Mehdi Bazargan as Prime Minister of the Provisional
Government while at the same time re-iterating that all those identified
with the Shah’s regime including Bakhtiar, must go. While an Ayatollah
aide said the next day that the danger of a military coup to re-install
the Shah had apparently passed, Bakhtiar vowed to remain in office
despite a march by tens of thousands of demonstrators demanding his
ouster.
Meanwhile, the Ayatollah’s movement was taking control of key
Governmental functions in several cities and continued to pick up
support from striking employees who were crippling work at most
ministries.
Eighth February saw some of the largest crowds, since the Ayatollah’s
return, take to the streets when over a million of his supporters
marched through the capital and other cities backing Bazargan with
Bakhtiar refusing to step down. A significant change was observed when a
number of armed forces personnel, mainly from the Air Force, were seen
participating in these marches.
The following day, in his first major speech at the Tehran University
Bazargan asserted that most of the Armed Forces wanted to toe the line,
but rebuked those generals who wanted the Shah’s return. Late that same
night, air cadets supporting the Ayatollah defied the Shah’s Imperial
Guards and battled them for control of an air base in Eastern Tehran.
The confrontation was over a television program of the Ayatollah’s
triumphant return to Iran after a long period in exile.
This minor incident was the spark that lip up a revolutionary fervour
with guerilla groups and people’s militia joining the Air Force cadets.
The elite troops were forced to withdraw against stiff resistance from
the determined group of Khomeini supporters.
The fighting spilled over to the next day and intensified as a
looming civil war engulfed the city with the rebel air cadets supported
by civilians taking on the might of the Imperial Guards for control of
the capital.
The revolutionaries dug in for the expected bloody battle with the
Army. Although it came, it was not for the expected duration. After two
days of pitched battles between the scraggy inexperienced people’s
militias and the much-boasted crack troops of the Shah’s ‘global armed
power’, the Army withdrew with a pledge to keep out of politics and stay
neutral.
Disciplined soldiers were thrown into disarray by the people who
fought with a motley collection of weapons, knives, staves and often
with the solidarity of numbers.
More than thousands were reported killed or wounded in the
confrontations.
As a new day dawned on February 11, 1979 it signalled a people’s
victory which was greeted by wild cheering and the sounds of Allahu
Akbar (God is great) resonating through the air.
It was the spiritual might of the people which propelled the Iranian
Revolution from the grip of a bloody civil war into a glorious victory
ending the Pahlavi Dynasty and a 2,500 year old monarchy.
In the final analysis, the process of the revolution saw a sense of
unity which Iran had never known throughout its history. For the first
time, all cities, provinces and tribes of the country rose in a common
rebellion and a common cause.
For the first time Iran’s diverse ethnic groups found a common
language. Millions would pour out on to the streets united in the name
of one man and that was Khomeini; united in the name of one ideal with
that being Islam; united in one desire which was to rid Iran of the
monarchy and all it stood for.
A revolution of the masses that finally encompassed the Armed Forces
as well, a revolution so unique in its totality. |