Humanising nutritional condition: An integrated perspective -
part I
Dr. Chinthaka Batawala, Dr. (Mrs.) Ruwanthi
Abhayagunaratne
Child malnutrition is the most imperative problem of the world,
damaging to both children and nations. Malnutrition is costing poor
countries up to 3 percent of their yearly GDP. The pessimistic scenario
suggests that child malnourishment will increase from 166 million to 175
million children by 2020.
The high levels of undernutrition in children pose a major
challenge for child survival and development |
Therefore, a detailed analysis of the plight of these children, and
the root causes of malnutrition, are of paramount importance. The
underlying causes of undernutrition vary from poverty, low levels of
education and poor access to health services. The high levels of
undernutrition in children and women in South Asia and Sub-Saharan
Africa pose a major challenge for child survival and development. The
examples of Thailand, Vietnam and China show that the problem of
malnourishment is entirely preventable. Areas of intervention that will
be most successful and the key policy priorities for each major
developing region need to be identified.
Eradicating such a situation of malnutrition across the globe will
require an ambitious and coherent mix of policies, covering agriculture,
trade, aid, environmental protection, research, investment and more. The
correct balance will help provide the conditions for a general rise in
prosperity - which is what puts food in people’s mouths.
Countries are modifying policies and programs to bring about the
changes needed to meet those targets. As these efforts get under way,
any evaluation of progress should consider that participatory policy
action takes time as the flow of developments unfolds from abstract
goals to policy change to investment, implementation, and outcome.
Evaluating the progress along this spectrum would therefore involve
keeping track of transitions from development-friendly rhetoric, to
binding documents specifying commitments, to concrete policy designs
backed up by appropriate budgetary allocations, and finally to
implementation activities that have impact on the ground. Throughout the
process, we must be cognizant of the political and economic realities
that accompany major changes. Thus, expectations of rapid developments
must be tempered by recognising that policy change requires time, yet in
the end real outcomes must be evident.
Since only some years have elapsed after the declaration of
Millennium Development Goals, most associated actions currently fall
between the “declarations” and “initiatives” stage. Policy actors have
made suitable progress at these initial stages to promote the roles of
agriculture and food and nutrition stability in the development process.
However, in terms of progress towards achieving the Millennium
Development Goals, we have yet to see concrete results and we may fail
to reach a number of targets at the current pace of change. Transition
to the “actions and investments” stage is now critical.
Hunger and poverty
Hunger, which usually follows food shortages, is caused by a complex
set of events and circumstances [social, economic and political factors]
that differ depending on the place and time. Although hunger has been a
part of human experience for centuries and a dominant feature of life in
many low-income countries, the causes of hunger and starvation are not
very well understood. Our understanding of the main causes of hunger and
starvation has been hampered by myths and misconceptions about the
interplay between hunger and population growth, land use, farm size,
technology, trade, environment and other factors.
Also poverty cannot be defined simply in terms of lacking access to
sufficient food. It is also closely associated with a person’s lack of
access to productive assets, services and markets. Without access to
these, it is unlikely that production and income-earning capacities can
be improved on a sustainable basis. Rural poverty is related to food
insecurity, access to assets, services and markets: income-earning
opportunities; and the organisational and institutional means for
achieving those ends.
Rights and Needs
Aspects of life which cannot be reduced to mere commodities -
including capability, opportunity and choice - are among the main goals
of poor people. Poverty thus defined relates more strongly to human
rights than to welfare. A rights-based view stresses the poor person as
a subject or an actor, while basic needs approaches tend to view the
poor as objects. The Report of the Independent South Asian Commission on
Poverty Alleviation established at the 1991 SAARC Summit in Colombo
states that:
“In the past ten to fifteen years, a sufficient body of new
experience has matured at the micro-level in South Asian countries, to
demonstrate that where the poor participate as subjects and not as
objects of the development process it is possible to generate growth,
human development and equity, not as mutually exclusive trade-offs but
as complementary elements in the same process.”
The basic needs approaches of the past have tended to co-exist with
conventional trickle-down economic growth strategies and to emphasize
the consumption of the poor (as objects) rather than their productivity
(as subjects). Poverty alleviation, often in the form of tacked-on,
self-standing programs, is thus seen as a means of compensating for
inequities in growth, rather than being embedded within the growth
process as a main driving force. Equitable growth strategies, with the
poor as subjects, are likely to be more efficient at alleviating poverty
than compensatory poverty alleviation programs which are expensive,
difficult to target and administer, and which in any case depend on
economic growth for their sustainability.
Food distribution
It has been argued that throughout the developing world there is a
preferential allocation of food to adult men at the expense of adult
women and children. This has been observed in various countries in the
developing world, but it is not a universal phenomenon. Many different
food distribution patterns have been observed, including biases
favouring all adults, male adults, female adults or children or
equitable distribution. The relative distribution is usually measured by
energy or protein intake compared with estimated needs, although some
studies examine the distribution of quality foods or the pattern of
serving order, the serving of second helpings, etc.
There are two key reasons that knowledge of intrahousehold food
distribution is important. First, for aid efforts, food distribution
programs, and research involving distribution of food supplements,
workers must have an understanding of how food is distributed within
households. Second, recent studies mention that malnourishment exists
because of inappropriate distribution of food within households in
places where the food supply is apparently sufficient. It is imperative
that genuine cases of insufficient food supply be recognized as such and
not dismissed as cases of “inappropriate distribution.”
Consumer subsidies and income transfers
The supply of food is not a major determinant of malnutrition in the
developing world. Rather, it is a lack of purchasing power of some
households (and nations) that prevents them from securing adequate
diets. But in the classical articulation of the diet problem, that
malnutrition is more than a problem of insufficient income to purchase
enough food. Indeed, many households, especially in developing
economies, probably spend more on food and other consumer items than
would be needed for the minimum required diet. Yet many of them remain
malnourished, in part because of ignorance about nutrition and in part
because of subjective tastes or preferences that may lead to
nutritionally undesirable diets.
Consequently, “ignorance” and “tastes” must be considered explicitly
in food policies and programs that in most instances attempt to modify
human behaviour by changing incomes and relative prices in the short
term, while relevant health education and health promotion takes root.
Price subsidies and income transfers have been major policy options
available to governments to augment household purchasing power and
alleviate malnutrition. Both income transfers and subsidies, largely
confined to a market economy, are, however, innately problematic in that
some “leakage,” i.e., support to some “wrong” people and for some
“wrong” commodities, is inevitable.
In spite of these shortcomings, income transfers and subsidies have
major attractions. Compared with the alternatives (e.g., feeding
programs), subsidies and transfers are most effective according to the
studies. They also rely on market rather than on administrative
mechanisms.
This makes them appealing in developing economies where the share of
the market economy is growing but administrations may still be weak. |