Empowering Tamils through democracy a welcome step - Eastern CM
V.S. Sambandan
The Eastern Province is a great precedent as it has also created a
situation in which the LTTE can be defeated, says Sivanesathurai
Santhirakanthan.
Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan (nom de guerre Pillayan), Chief
Minister of Sri Lanka’s sensitive Eastern Province, is a rebel in
transition. A former member of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE),
he split from the group in 2004 when LTTE’s then special commander for
the eastern districts of Batticaloa and Ampara, V. Muralitharan (Karuna)
formed the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP).
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Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan |
In an exclusive interview to The Hindu, Chandrakanthan welcomed the
Eastern Provincial Council elections held this May, as “an excellent
practical step.”
Equally important, he said, is “to strengthen the Council” and win
peoples’ confidence. He is of the view that the LTTE was trying to
extricate itself militarily based on the “emotional outpourings in Tamil
Nadu.”
Any “excessive pressure” from India when Sri Lanka is going through a
“critical phase”, he said, “will only be to the advantage of the LTTE
again.”
Here are the excerpts from an hour-long interview held on October 22
at the Chief Minister’s Secretariat in the capital of the Eastern
Province, Trincomalee.
Q: It is 156 days since you were sworn in Chief Minister. How are
these initial days ?
A: I spent the first 150 days on administrative matters. After I took
charge, we brought in changes in education and agriculture, which will
come to fruition in the years ahead. Although not fully satisfied, we
are confident that we can usher in reforms in administration, education
and agriculture, and then progress further.
Q: You fought for decades for a separate, unified Tamil Eelam, but
now you are the first Chief Minister of a de-merged Eastern Province.
What are your present views against those realities ?
A: We started the armed struggle to solve our grievances as we lost
confidence in Governments. I joined the struggle for those reasons. The
Tamil people lost a lot due to the armed struggle. At one stage it
entered a phase in which Tamils had no prospect for development. This
was also because Tamil organisations were unable to unite all Tamils for
a single-minded struggle.
Moreover, as some of our armed groups, particularly the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) indulged in excessive terrorism, the just
demands of our people went unappreciated. At one phase, this terrorism
spread to foreign soil, with the assassination of India’s Rajiv Gandhi,
and as everyone points out, it became impossible to assert the rights of
our people effectively.
Several issues surfaced after the ceasefire [in 2002]. The three
ethnicities live in the Eastern Province [Tamils, Sinhalese, and
Muslims]. If merged, a new problem, i.e., the predominance of Tamil
people will increase, leading to other complications.
Therefore, I consider this as an excellent practical step as it has
restored some faith in the people, who are happier than they were.
Adequate powers should be given to an organisation that has been
fighting for 20 years to empower its people.
Only by strengthening this Provincial Council, can we win peoples’
confidence and prevent them from thinking along alternative courses of
action. Empowering Tamils through elections is a welcome democratic
precedent.
We owe a debt of gratitude for that. There can be major changes in
the North, only if people see evidence of the benefits of further
administrative powers in the East. This is a very good opportunity,
[but] we can satisfy the Tamil people only if we utilise this properly.
Q: You seek more powers; do you think there is a difference between
the Eastern Province and the others in terms of administrative powers ?
A: This is where the problem lies. The Provincial Councils were
created to solve Tamils’ problems. The people here needed the powers.
The others did not have the need for extensive powers. The other
provinces also face problems. I am not saying that they do not, but the
war was for powers for people in the North and the East. Isn’t this
meant to solve that war ? The situation is not the same as in other
provinces. This is a special Provincial Council. The needs are
different.
Q: Are you confident that the trajectory is towards that end,
particularly given the view that in this province where there was no
democracy, but a war for nearly 30 years, and that elections were held
after decades ?
A: True, there was no democracy because of the conflict. What was the
cause of the conflict? Rights. Everyone should understand that. Now as
the Chief Minister, I cannot assume that the powers will come overnight.
We only want powers that will enable us to implement policies that we
would like to for the benefit of the people. That is all. We do not want
far-reaching powers, such as secession. We can deliver to the people and
win their confidence only if powers are devolved.
Q: Can you specify the powers, and the difficulties of not having
them ?
A: For example, we have to protect the people. This is a complicated
issue. Sri Lanka is at a critical phase, so is the Provincial Council
system and the issue of powers to the Councils. It is against this
backdrop that I have started work. At this critical point, our demands
must be fair. Whether they like it or not, Sinhalese, some of them, have
also come to the view that Tamils should be given powers. The political
leaders have also acted favourably. They have put in place a Provincial
Council, and are making efforts to devolve powers.
The LTTE is killing people, and abductions are going on. It is a
complicated situation. In this setting, if India exerts excessive
pressure, and if the trajectory changes, it will only be to the
advantage of the LTTE again.
At the same time, if the people are affected by the military actions
to tame the LTTE, it causes dissatisfaction. It should not go in favour
of the LTTE. We are in a very complicated situation of determining what
the alternative plan could be. I will not say that it is a very
difficult situation, as there will be other ways to deal with the
problem if there is larger agreement.
Q: What do you consider as the three important powers ?
A: Police powers are important, particularly for the eastern
province. I do not deny that there are complications in implementing
this. A recent decision to appoint a special DIG for the Eastern
Province is a very good development.
Similarly, there are very few Tamil people in the police because of
the conflict. We have a great responsibility of instilling confidence in
them. I acknowledge that there are practical problems, but it is a
responsibility to start the process.
Regarding finance, although we have powers, the Central Government is
implementing projects that we can implement. These are some direct
powers for us under the 13th Amendment.
If I were to be specific, if the 13th Amendment is implemented, the
rest will follow, democracy will be strengthened. The people also will
gain the mindset that necessary powers will have to be given and
politicians will follow suit.
So is the issue of land, where there are several interlinked issues,
but we do not want to make a big issue of it. If we gain confidence that
issues relating to our province will not be relegated, it is a big
achievement.
Q: What do you expect as confidence-building measures ?
A: We have the confidence; otherwise, we will certainly not be here.
The very creation of the Eastern Province is a confidence-building
measure. It should not end there, it is important to strengthen the
Province, step-by-step, and win peoples’ satisfaction. It is important
that the confidence we have is not broken.
Q: What are the major lessons you draw from the armed struggle and
political life ?
A: In an armed struggle, we execute orders, nothing more; but in
politics, particularly as Chief Minister, I will act according to the
needs of the people, and perform in a way to win voters’ confidence. In
the armed struggle, one thinks of destroying the opponent, but one
cannot think like that in politics. One has to reach the ends
politically. There is a huge difference.
Q: The Eastern Province is cited as an example of a region that
emerged from war to democracy. What is your view ?
A: Yes. The Eastern Province is an example. It is welcome that those
who were in an armed liberation struggle were brought into democracy. It
is also a great precedent as it has also created a situation in which
the LTTE can be defeated. Concurrently, there is a great responsibility
for all to welcome cadres into democracy and take them forward. That is
why I reiterate that it is the changes that happen here that will
rapidly instil confidence among other people. If some unpleasant
incidents occur here, then it will not be possible to create the
required confidence among the people there [in the northern districts].
Q: How much confidence have you gained in the present process, in
percentage terms ?
A: We are functioning at a confidence level of about 65 per cent - 70
per cent. The remaining has to come.
Q: Do you see any link between the current military situation in
Northern Sri Lanka, and the recent political developments in India ?
A: The feeling for sufferings of the Tamils is natural. The civilians
there [in the northern districts] face difficulties.
The changing political situation in Tamil Nadu, coupled with
excessive propaganda, resulted in emotional outpourings in Tamil Nadu.
The mixture of emotions and politics is what is creating this big
eruption. We have to take steps to stop that.
There are also diplomatic moves on this front. The LTTE is trying to
escape using this opportunity. The Tamil people [in the Northern
Province] should be allowed to go where they want to go. The LTTE does
not let them go, and they don’t give them food. The Tamil people have to
be protected. |