The beginning of the Cuban revolution
Marta ROJAS
The assault on the Moncada Garrison in Santiago de Cuba on July
26, 1953, by a group led by Fidel Castro was an event that the world was
unaware of.
Cuban newspapers - with just one exception - noted that the young
Cuban lawyer Fidel Castro together with a contingent of young men, had
assaulted the country’s second military fortress, with the aim of
reverting the situation of Cuba; in other words, to restore the crushed
Constitution of the Republic by overthrowing General Fulgencio Batista
who, barely one year earlier - on March 10, 1952 - had mounted a coup
d’‚tat to seize power from President Carlos Prio Socaro s,
democratically elected at the polls.
Cunning coup
His presidency was due to end normally that same year. That cunning
coup was known as the “crack of dawn.” Its executor and those who
followed him did not have popular support. From 1933, Batista’s history
was symbolised by dictatorial ambitions and crime.
Raul Castro |
Fidel Castro |
From that time, he was recalled by his contemporaries and the people
as the military chief who ordered the killing of revolutionaries Antonio
Guiteras and Venezuelan Carlos Aponte.
Guiteras formed part of the revolutionary government that took power
after the fall of the dictator Gerardo Machado and, in the so-called 100
Days’ Government, acted as government minister and drew up the most
advanced legislation of the 20th century to that point, including the
nationalization of foreign companies established in Cuba, even though
neither he nor the other members of that government were communists.
After these brief historical antecedents, it is obligatory to go back
to that event unknown to the world, the Moncada assault. Only one
reporter from a US news agency sent a cable from his office on the armed
attack, but he never found out which newspapers published it apart from
the Havana Post, an English-language newspaper in Havana.
Only the dailies in Santiago de Cuba - in what used to be Oriente
province - and those of Havana, as well as national radio covered the
news, and the “In Cuba” section of Bohemia magazine printed photographs.
Other newspapers in the country reproduced the Bohemia photos. And that
was it.
That same day the Batista dictatorship, which was called the “de
facto” government, decided to implement the harshest press censorship,
given that it was not confined to an order but appointed censors in
every newspaper and other media.
General elections
The only version of the event was the military information released
by the Columbia Camp, headquarters of the Army General Staff that had
executed the military coup, headed by the then senator Batista, who had
just returned from exile in Miami to participate in the general
elections on June 1, 1952 in which he aspired to be formally appointed
as such.
Thus, the world was unaware that, on just one day, July 26 itself - a
Sunday - 46 young combatants who were captured were extra-judicially
tortured and finally murdered, and in the following days that figure
rose to more than 60, although the military reports said that they had
died in combat with the army. On July 26 only six revolutionary
combatants fell in fighting at Post 3 of the Santiago de Cuba garrison.
The organisation led by the young lawyer Fidel Castro came to be
popularly known as the Centenary Generation, given that it emerged -
after months of underground organisation - precisely in 1953, with
celebrations for the centenary of the birth of Jos‚ Marti, leader of the
Cuban independence struggle against Spanish colonialism and the national
hero.
Marti’s thinking on full freedom and sovereignty, his revolutionary
ethics and social ideas, among other fundamental values, was the
doctrine assumed by that young contingent, almost all of them members of
the youth wing of the Cuban Orthodoxy People’s Party, the majority
political group in the country, and which would certainly have won the
presidency of the Republic of Batista had not interrupted the
constitutional process, and the elections scheduled for June 1 had taken
place.
So that was why, during the trial of the Moncada assailants on
September 21, 1953, when the prosecution judge asked Fidel who had
masterminded the action, he emphatically replied that nobody should be
concerned about being accused in that context, because the sole author
of the Moncada assault was Jos‚ Marti. It was already known via the
Movement’s programme and Fidel’s own words that they were the bearers of
“the doctrines of the maestro.”
Dictatorship
That unknown event was a tactical setback, given that its prime
objective was not achieved. It was to take the garrison by surprise and
call on the people to fight against the dictatorship and restore the
1940 Constitution abolished by the coup d’‚tat, a model in vogue in
Latin America up until the days of Pinochet in Chile, always backed - in
all cases - by the government in power in the United States, forgetting
its fanatical defense of democracy and multi-party elections.
The tactical setback began to turn into a strategic victory from
September 21 when the leader of the Revolutionary Movement and the
assault on Moncada - Dr. Fidel Castro - appeared for the first time
before the court in the Santiago de Cuba Palace of Justice, as the
accused and defense lawyer for the Moncada assault.
His statements and the interrogation process - as a lawyer - were so
devastating to the fallacious versions circulated since July 26 by
Batista and his military acolytes that, in 48 hours, the trial changed
course and Fidel, the accused, became the accuser.
His arguments were so powerful that they crushed all the maneuverings
of the court and the “de facto” government. His reasoning was so strong
that a doctor from the Boniato (in Santiago) prison was summoned to
certify that Dr. Castro was supposedly suffering from an illness, to
prevent his return to the trial proceedings against him, the other
survivors of the assault and a group of opposition politicians who had
nothing to do with the Movement but whom the regime involved in the
event.
There were many people listening, adding up more than 100 members of
the armed forces, relatives of the prisoners, 25 lawyers, court
employees and some 20 journalists, even though their newspapers, being
censored, were unable to publish anything.
The dictatorship certainly feared that, starting with Santiago de
Cuba, the word would go from mouth to mouth and that the people would
get to know the truth. They would discover the number of atrocities
committed by the army under orders from on high that at least 10
assailants had to be killed for every soldier that died in combat.
The trial of the others continued under a protest from Fidel sent to
the court via Melba Hernandez, a lawyer who, with Hayd‚e Santamaria, was
one of the two women who participated in the assault.
They were with the group commanded by Abel Santamaria,
second-in-command of the Movement, localised in the service area of the
Saturnino Lora Civilian Hospital. The young Raul Castro was the leader
of the contingent of the other rearguard, located on the flat roof of
the Palace of Justice.
Journalists
It was not until October 16 that Fidel Castro appeared before the
court again. This took place in a nurses’ study room in the Civilian
Hospital where, as he himself said in his plea, the public consisted of
just six journalists in whose newspapers nothing could be published.
Obviously, the censorship continued in place. It was here that Fidel
gave his own defense plea that is now known everywhere as History Will
Absolve Me, a speech that he himself reproduced in written form during
his imprisonment in the former Model Prison on the Isle of Pines (now
the Isle of Youth).
Next October 16 will be the 55th anniversary of that event, virtually
carried out in isolation, of which the world knew nothing at the time,
but only later, in 1954, when History Will Absolve Me was published and
distributed clandestinely in Cuba and reproduced by revolutionary
friends in New York, and by a small publishing house in the Republic of
Chile. In this last case, the book was on display in a bookstore window.
One of the aspects successfully concealed from the public attending
the Moncada trial was the file of death certificates made by brave
forensic surgeons who removed or autopsied the corpses of the
revolutionary assailants.
In some of them, the doctors noted as evidence of crime, that the
fingers of the dead were stained with the ink used for taking their
fingerprints before they were killed, plus many other details. It was
from their notes that it emerged that the young Movement members who
left the Civilian Hospital alive, including Abel Santamaria, were
wearing hospital gowns or pajamas under khaki pants that showed no sign
of bloodstains.
But, in passing, the solidarity of the people, primarily expressed by
the hospital nurses, was evident. They tried to hide the young
assailants so that they wouldn’t be killed and made them put on hospital
garb to pass them off as patients in different wards. Abel’s pajamas
bore the initials of the Ophthalmology room; perhaps it was for that
reason that during his torture they pulled out or crushed the bandaged
eye.
Nevertheless, the forensic certificates of the soldiers killed in
combat were very clear: orifice of the entry or exit of bullets. All the
certificates in the files of Cause 37 of the Emergency Court are
considered as irrefutable evidence.
As if that were not enough, they include a photo of Jos‚ Luis Tasende,
a revolutionary combatant who was wounded at one of the posts and, as
chief of the cell, wore sergeant stripes.
He was mistaken for an injured soldier (the assailants wore the same
uniforms but with civilian belts, for example, as a different or
distinguishing feature) and was even treated at the Military Hospital.
He had a sutured wound on one leg, was photographed by the Army as a
hero and, when it emerged that he was fighting as an assailant, he was
“killed in combat.” The photo of a living Tasende is categorical
evidence.
None of that was known to the world at that time.
Deep-rooted
However, the actions of July 26, 1953 were to transform the political
map of Cuba and the rest of the Americas and constituted a solid example
of how such a social, deep-rooted revolution was possible.
The example given by that eminent group of Cubans — followed by the
struggle and victory of the amnesty; the Granma expedition and the
battles of the Rebel Army in the Sierra Maestra; the uniting of the
revolutionary groups; the general strike of January 1, 1959 called by
Fidel himself, as commander in chief; and the 55 years of resistance of
a people - is the guarantee of the significance of that day of which the
world knew nothing.
The writer is a Cuban journalist and writer. In the form of a
journalistic novel, her anthological testimony of the events described
in this article can be found in detail in “El juicio del Moncada”
(The Moncada Trial). |