Feminising Latin politics
Jorge HEINE
Michelle Bachelet |
Cristina Fernandez |
As old-fashioned political parties with strong credibility problems
struggle to come to terms with the changing environment in Latin
America, women leaders - perceived as less corrupt, more task-oriented
and with a warmer, more people-friendly leadership style - have moved in
and occupied the newly emerging political spaces.
In December 2006, on the occasion of delivering the opening address
of the 53rd Annual Congress of the Indian Political Science Association
in Jaipur, I had the privilege to share the podium with the then
Governor of Rajasthan, Pratibha Patil.
In my presentation, I referred to the election of Michelle Bachelet
as President of Chile earlier that year, and the fact that half the
Cabinet she had appointed consisted of women. As it was a rather long
ceremony, and we were sitting next to each other on the dais, we had a
chance to talk quite a bit.
Ms Patil showed great interest in what President Bachelet had done in
office so far, and how she had gone about it. Little did we know that
only a few months later, Ms Patil would make history herself by becoming
the first woman President of India.
South Asia, of course, is a region known for its large number of top
women leaders. In Latin America, on the other hand, women leaders have
had a much lower profile - that is, until now.
Since December 2006, what seemed to be a somewhat isolated, if
interesting, event largely confined to a single country, has turned out
to be a harbinger of things to come, as evidenced by the inauguration of
President Cristina Fern ndez de Kirchner this Sunday in Buenos Aires,
likely to be a mini Latin summit (and where the self-marginalisation of
the United States from regional affairs is perhaps best exemplified by
the fact that it will be represented by its Secretary of Labour, perhaps
the lowest ranking of all U.S. Cabinet members).
This is not only the first time Argentina has elected a woman
President, following shortly in the footsteps of Chile. It also reflects
a broader regional trend.
Portia Simpson-Miller was elected Prime Minister of Jamaica in 2006;
the first runner-up in the October 28 presidential elections in
Argentina was also a woman, Elisa Carri¢, as was Ms Bachelet’s main
rival within Chile’s ruling coalition, Soledad Alvear.
In Peru, President Alan Garc¡a faced a challenge from Lourdes Flores
in the April 2006 elections. A woman may run as a presidential candidate
for Paraguay’s ruling party in 2008.
This is not to say that women in the region had not put on the
presidential sash before. In Argentina itself, Isabel Per¢n succeeded
her husband, Juan Domingo Per¢n, for two years in the presidency in
1974, as did Janet Jagan in Guyana; Violeta Chamorro was President of
Nicaragua in the 1990s, and Mireya Moscoso in Panama. Leida Gueiler also
held briefly the Bolivian presidency.
A total of 13 women have held the position of head of state or head
of government, but many of them for only a short time, in small
countries; they have certainly made their mark in the Caribbean, with
Eugenia Charles in Dominica and Ertha Pascal Trouillot in Haiti.
But this is the first time two major countries in the Southern Cone,
which have traditionally set much of the regional agenda, will be led by
women.
Interestingly, both Michelle Bachelet and Cristina Fernandez cut
their political teeth in the struggle against military dictators - Ms
Bachelet as a medical student who was arrested and roughed up by the
military, forcing her into exile, and Ms Fernandez as a young Peronist
lawyer fighting General Videla’s rule.
Argentina was the first country in Latin America (as early as 1991)
to establish a quota system for women members of Parliament (as high as
30 per cent) and 13 other nations followed suit.
In Chile, half the Cabinet appointed by President Bachelet consisted
of women, and in countries such as Colombia, Ecuador and Mexico women
have moved on from the “softer” Cabinet portfolios such as Health and
Education to the “harder” ones as Defence and Foreign Affairs.
Across the region, about one in five Cabinet members are women, as
are one in five members of the Lower House of Parliament, up from one in
six in 2000 and one in 20 in 1980.
The rise of women’s policy agencies (WPAs) in many countries of the
region, that is, government units that put on the front burner women’s
issues such as domestic violence, child care and measures against gender
discrimination, has been another significant trend in the course of the
past decade-and-a-half, and one that has been instrumental in approving
and enforcing legislation to strengthen women’s rights.
The implications of this in traditionally male-dominated societies,
where machismo rules (the story goes that at the First United Nations
Conference on Women, held in Mexico City in 1975, the hosts wanted it to
be chaired by a man) can hardly be underestimated. And we are likely to
see more of it.
As Buvinic and Roza have shown in an Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB) study, the rise of women leaders reflects deep socio-economic and
demographic changes.
In some countries like Chile the very notion of affirmative action
for women is still controversial, but elsewhere it has become the coin
of the realm, and mandatory quotas for political office elicit little
opposition.
Why this sudden upsurge of Latin women leaders? Although Latin
America has often followed political currents in North America and
Western Europe, this is far from being simply a “trendy” effort to catch
up with the Hillary Clintons, Angela Merkels and Segolene Royals of our
time.
Rather, as the IDB study shows, it is rooted in factors that are
modernising Latin America and its somewhat anachronistic political
institutions. They include educational gains that have given women the
intellectual tools to compete in today’s knowledge society.
In marked contrast to Africa and Asia, where girls often lag behind
boys in educational opportunities, in Latin America girls make up for a
higher share than boys at school.
The region’s democratisation over the past two decades (almost all
countries in the region now have established, if sometimes
low-intensity, democracies) has also helped, pushing for the inclusion
of traditionally disadvantaged groups such as aboriginal peoples, ethnic
minorities and women.
As old-fashioned political parties with strong credibility problems
struggle to come to terms with this rapidly changing environment, women
leaders, often perceived as less corrupt, more task-oriented and with a
warmer, more people-friendly leadership style, have moved in and
occupied newly emerging political spaces.
And if demography is destiny, it should be noted that women voters
are outnumbering men, thus pressuring for political agendas that reflect
their own concerns (often much more related to family matters) rather
than those of men.
In Latin America’s ageing societies, women, who tend to outlive their
husbands, will thus increasingly become key voting blocs, often breaking
away from established party preferences.
In Chile, where women had historically voted in a higher proportion
for the Right than men, they turned into a key constituency for
Socialist Michelle Bachelet’s meteoric rise from political obscurity to
the presidency in a scarce six years.
The jury is still out as to whether women leaders have their own
distinctive political leadership style, one that differs in substantial
ways from that of men.
In a different setting, a study done in West Bengal by Chatthopadhyay
and Duflo (2001) shows that quotas for women as leaders of village
councils did make a difference in decision-making, with women leaders
allocating more resources to issues directly relevant to women, while
also generating a higher participation of women in village affairs.
In South Africa, in the 1990s, under the leadership of then Speaker
Frene Ginwala, Parliament undertook an exercise called “the Women’s
Budget,” in which members would analyse the yearly changes in the budget
from the perspective of how they affected issues of high concern to
women.
This would seem to indicate that the public policy priorities women
leaders embrace - such as assigning a higher relevance to family matters
and issues pertinent to healthcare and education - key to the
improvement of the standard of living of Latin American societies (where
the number of people under the poverty line approaches 40 per cent and
where income inequality is the highest in the world) hold up the hope
that the feminisation of Latin American politics will do some good.
The writer is Professor of Global Governance at Wilfrid Laurier
University and a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for International
Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Ontario. |