'All citizens are equal'

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Profile

Name - Sarath Leelananda Bandara Amunugama
School - Trinity College, Kandy
Professional status - Ceylon Civil Service
Positions held - Government Agent, Additional Secretary and Permanent Secretary
Entered Parliament - 1994
Ministerial portfolios - Cabinet Minister for Irrigation- Education- Northern Rehabilitation -Finance-Public Administration
Present portfolio - Minister of Enterprise Development & Investment Promotion and Presidential Representative on Finance meetings (overseas assignments)
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Two brilliant civil servants entered active politics during the past five decades. One is Ronald Joseph Godfrey De Mel, better known as Ronnie De Mel who held the record of being the longest serving Finance Minister since Independence. The other is Sarath Leelananda Bandara Amunugama, a former Finance Minister of the previous Kumaratunga administration.

Sarath Amunugama, a product of Trinity College, Kandy is one of the intellects produced by that school in the pre 1978 era, who shone brilliantly in many spheres. Many political leaders of the past sought his advice on national issues.

The then grey haired, stockily built man with a commanding personality, Sarath Amunugama retired from public service as Secretary to the Ministry of State when the late Anandatissa De Alwis was the minister.

Inspiration behind Amunugama's entry into politics is a story that Amunugama himself may be unaware.

The place is the "Transworks House", where the Fort Police Station is presently located. When Sir John Kotelawala was Minister of Public Works, his Private Secretary was Anandatissa De Alwis. One day during an argument Sir John asked Anandatissa whether he (Anandatissa) was trying to occupy that office. J.R.Jayewardene became the Minister of State in 1965. He inducted Anandatissa as Permanent Secretary.

It was a controversy as De Alwis was the first to occupy that position outside the Ceylon Administrative Service cadre. Anandatissa was reported to Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake by a female senior officer in that ministry over 'some' issue.

Dudley brought it to the notice of JRJ. When JR questioned Anandatissa, the latter replied, "If I were you in that chair, I would have told the Prime Minister that the difference between him and me was that he is a bachelor and that I'm a "married' bachelor".

In 1978, Anandatissa became the Minister of State to occupy that office once held by Sir John and JRJ. Sarath Amunugama became his Permanent Secretary. Later, the ministry was moved out to the former Air Lanka building in Fort facing the cabinet office.

The 'charm' and inspiration of that 'good' office over the years inspired Amunugama into politics, and, he too later occupied his predecessor's office with a different portfolio in 1993.

Unlike others, this amiable man began to look and grow younger after retirement. And today's Sarath Amunugama looks youthful with jet black hair and reduced weight. This former Trinitian is a very good player, be it a turf or matting.

He's a better stroke maker when wickets are wet, sticky or soggy. The success of this energetic man's journey has been the blessings bestowed upon him by his centurion parents. His father, Walter Amunugama is 100 not out while his mother, Soma Amunugama is at the crease with an unbeaten 101.

Amunugama, now into play a long innings is a man who could weather any storm. This is how he weilded the willow to the leather, when I met him at a brief encounter last week in Colombo.

by Prasad Gunewardene

Q: Dr. Amunugama, under the concept of nationalism, how could Sri Lanka construct one state with a multi ethnic society, many religions and other cultural varieties?

A: Sri Lanka is a democratic country. In such a country all citizens are equal. There are no first class, second class or third class citizens. We have to accept multi ethnicism, multi religious and multi cultural nature of Sri Lankan society. Ours is a party, the SLFP dedicated to that vision.

There may be other parties that seeks to give primacy to different religions or different views. We are for pluralism and we are also for secularism and that's something I must emphasise. India has been a proponent of the secular ideals.

These are two important aspects for Sri Lanka- Pluralism and Secularism. So, within that, the way of empowering those categories, specially if they are territorially separated is to provide devolution of power. We, in Sri Lanka have followed the Indian model of devolution. Basically, there are two aspects to this. One is the unit of devolution.

The other is the devolution of powers. Those really are the two issues. Regarding the unit of devolution, now the Supreme Court has given its verdict that each province should have its own separate identity.

You got to have provincial councils on that basis. You must also not forget that there is provision or we are contemplating provision where provinces can come together on a variety of functions. In the Indian constitution also, there are individual states.

As far as the nature of unit of devolution is concerned, I think we'll have to select the province. For that, the provinces can make their own internal adjustments to work together. This does not apply only to Tamil areas but, it can apply to Sinhala areas as well.

That is the position regarding the unit of devolution. Regarding the powers, I don't think there's very much of a problem. Because, when you think of powers that have been devolved under the Indian constitution, we have devolved all those powers under the thirteenth amendment.

Basically, we are no different from the method of the Indian constitution of devolving power. The Sri Lankan question is that those provinces are not given those powers they are entitled by law. Partly, because they all form historically the same party.

The party in the periphery and the party at the centre are from the same group. Secondly, nobody asked for devolution of powers to the other provinces outside the North, and to the some extend the East. They look at devolution as a problem solving mechanism.

Whereas in the other parts not even the MPs in those areas or grassroot organisers of those parties were conscious of such a need. I can tell you the history of it. I will tell you a secret very few people know. The original draft was only to the North and East. But, President JR Jayewardene at the last minute felt that it would create political problems.

Because, it was a highly controversial item. Therefore, he extended that to the other provinces as well. So we are facing an ironical situation where those who didn't need devolution have been given that or thrust upon them and those who really needed devolution have not been given that. That is the situation.

Q: Well, can this concept of unit of devolution or the devolution of powers be practically exercised under the concept of a unitary state?

A: I cant understand the confusion that has been created in this country. Because the position is very simple. When the thirteenth amendment was challenged, the Supreme Court held, I believe by five to four, a narrow margin, that the thirteenth amendment remained within the unitary concept.

And that, any further devolution beyond that would change the concept from a unitary state to a federal state. If we are working within the ambit of the 13th amendment, as we have already devolved, then there is no question of whether it should be unitary or federal.

Personally, I am not so interested in the terminology. Because, terminologies are of very little consequence. For example, we know that the people say that the Indian constitution is unitary, when it wants to be unitary, and federal, when it wants to be federal.

I don't think we should be so much worried about the terminology or its nomenclature. If the unit of devolution is decided in terms of the Supreme Court decision, the powers to be devolved and the extent of powers to be devolved in terms of the 13th amendment, which had the backing of the Indian government, then I think we have the basis for a solution.

If there are groups that are against any form of devolution, then of course they are a different category. May be the JVP and JHU does not want a solution within the 13th amendment.

If they don't want to devolve under the 13th amendment, they cannot say that, that is a federal constitution. The Competent Authority, the Supreme Court has already decided that the 13th amendment is within the ambit of a unitary state.

Q: After 500 years of colonialism, and being under the authority of the colonial constitution for a long time, we were divided into two major segments, viz-z-viz; Sinhala and Tamil. How could we now integrate these two denominations into one single state with vast influence of globalised pressure being mounted on the leaders of this country from time to time?

A: Nobody except the LTTE wants a separate state. There may be debates regarding the degree of devolution. But, as far as India is concerned, the key player in this question, and as far as the super powers of the world are concerned, or as we call them global powers now, none of them have contemplated on setting up of a separate state.

So, I don't think except for the LTTE, anybody in the Tamil community is serious about a separate state. We must remember that even the LTTE, I remember somewhere, and it was Oslo, said that they were willing to discuss an alternative to a separate state.

The question is what is the degree of devolution that they are going into within the 13th amendment. I think the Government is quite willing to devolve to the maximum. As I said earlier, the full powers that had to be devolved have not come into force today.

The Chief Ministers in the North and East (Ministers double ah!) they can be given all the powers under the 13th amendment which are not yet being brought into play. Because, the ground reality is that, in the Southern areas there is no real demand for it. I would go further to say that there aren't enough people to deliver that sought of thing.

Constantly, the cabinet has to look into the fact that whatever has been devolved had not been properly done. There is large amount of dissatisfaction in the country that devolved powers in the South has not really been a useful exercise.

I can give you specific examples- when it comes to education there is a universal demand that there should be national schools. Your friend and mine, the late Lalith Athulathmudali, when he was the Minister of Education introduced the concept of national schools as a way of dodging the devolution aspect of it.

Because under devolution under the 13th amendment, the full education system must be devolved to the periphery. The centre can only have policy matters. It cannot run schools legally. But, the need of parents and the incompetence of the provincial councils clearly turned the balance in favour of parents who were asking for national schools.

Similarly, the national hospitals. After the 13th amendment, several provincial hospitals were reconverted to national hospitals.

That was never contemplated in the 13th amendment. Basically, the devolution exercise in the South has been grotesque. Mostly, people who have lost the general election or couldn't secure a seat in parliament have been appointed chief ministers.

This is ridiculous. I think during the time President Jayewardene was discussing this with Gamini Dissanayake, the idea was that technocrats should be appointed as chief ministers.

Because, when you study the 13th amendment, real power is vested with the Governor and, not the chief minister.

The chief ministers have taken the power on the national model. They have got motorcades, official bungalows etc. But if you study the constitution properly, most of those executive powers are vested in the Governor.

Actually the Letters of Appointment has to be signed by the Governor. The chief ministers are in a fancy dress to give the impression to show their voters that they are more powerful than they really are in constitutional terms. In political terms they may be powerful. What I want to underline is that there is large area of devolution the North and East can utilise.

The devolved powers have not been fully used. The North and East has an actual need for the utilisation of such powers. The government is more than willing to offer. We are only recognising something there is already in the law and not giving it.

Q: As a former Finance Minister how do you economically justify the rapid depreciation of the rupee against the rising dollar?

A: There are standard indicators of judging economic performance. By the standard indicators, we have done pretty well. We have sustained the 7 per cent growth over a four year period. We are looking at a mid term grown of 8 per cent in the industries sector, agriculture sector and the services sector, which are all doing well.

Basically, our economy is still on a growth trajectory. We do have a problem of the deteriorating rupee. Why? Firstly because of our outflow of foreign exchange for the payment of our oil bills.

The oil bill has reached astronomical level. I must say that even increasing the tariff it is not going to solve the problem because more than 50 per cent of the oil imported is being gobbled up by the Electricity Board.

Somebody has to put his foot down and see that the procedures of the CEB are rationalised and that they use minimum quantities of these very expensive auto diesel which they are using now.

Other countries have only 20 per cent electricity produced by auto diesel, will you believe that we have 65 per cent! No economy can be sustained on this basis. That is why the coal power plant is so important. We could not launch the Norochcholai project for ten years till we did it a few months ago. Normal low cost energy first comes from hydro power and that seasonal. Then you have LAG.

The most expensive is auto diesel. Over a long period of time due to bad policy, politicking and corruption Sri Lanka has gone on this path. I must say that it is only John Seneviratne who is trying to stop this rot and add to the power generation of this country.

Previous ministers have not added one mega watt of power to this country.

Q: Previous ministers means.... after who?

A: I don't want to go into details as it's not fair. I don't want to mention names. The fact of the matter is, till John Seneviratne came on the scene after some time, after 1994, we have not added to our capacity. Of course, we are at preliminary level. But we are now working on Norochcholai, Kotmale and Kerawalapitiya.

We need to go very fast into other varieties of power generation and cut down on auto diesel consumption. Among other reasons are that the education system is so bad the parents send their children abroad for education. We have to find money for that. Then we have war.

You can't conduct a war with catapults. Like the days of Sinhala kings, you can't fight a war with bows and arrows. You have to buy modern equipment. Some of those big shells are Rs.50,000 each.

If you are fighting, you got to fight a war. All that cost foreign exchange as no one will give them in local rupees. Our dollar inward remittances in which ever way should go up. We are artificially putting barriers. We don't want BOO, we don't want BOT, we don't want foreigners to invest. If we don't want all that, we must be ready to accept a weakening dollar.

These economic measures are common all over the world. How did China become strong? It is not due to domestic savings and domestic investment. They opened the country for foreign investment. India is doing the same thing. We can't have both ways.

Q: Now I am trespassing into your territory Dr. Amunugama. There are many agreements signed by the BOI as we read and view on the media. But, very little of those projects seem to have got off the ground. Where does the truth lie?

A: That is not so. The truth is that most of the projects are getting off the ground. Take one look at the city of Colombo. Can you go a quarter mile in the city without seeing a major construction? Everyone of those is a BOI project.

Look at the Harbour, the one billion oil refinery that is coming up, the hotels...they are all BOI. Is there any development in Sri Lanka which has not gone through BOI? It is the government things that fall behind. The Katunayake- Colombo, Southern Colombo-Kandy, road development falling behind. It is the government that is not really doing its job.

Tell where one big building that is had been constructed by the Government over 40 storeys?

Q: May I interrupt to ask what exactly you mean by saying the government is not doing its job you are the government?

A: The government investment on infrastructure has been very poor. Only now we are changing that. Earlier, from the time of independence look at the foreign borrowings, the development strategy.

They have all been to emphasise social welfare measures like education, health, rural development.

But those things can't be shown in a tangible way. Then, there were global transfers of capital as a result of the open economic system.

And, for that you need the building up of infrastructure. Sri Lanka's problem was... .. of course its a most humane approach and all successive governments were spending money on feeding people rather than building up infrastructure. Only now we are developing our airports, harbours etc. Today, we are a rice surplus country because of the Mahaweli scheme. Otherwise, we would have had to still import rice.

Q: Now doctor, how do you develop the enterprise sector in a situation where the stock market is rapidly plunging and the cost of living is on the rise?

A: Well, one is the government now must give the forward thrust in providing infrastructure. To get rapid growth, we have to attend to the airport, the port, the roads and to all other facilities that stimulates growth. Basically, we have done well. For example, the services sector. See how well we are developing the telecommunication sector.

Then transport, railways of course is a terrible mess. Where the private sector has entered, with all complaints, there is a smooth and rapid progress. The question of cost of living is that today most of our items are related to foreign buying, where the cost goes up.

Start with petrol, diesel... global price has gone up, flour has gone up. These are all items we go to the global market and buy. We have always from the past depended on imports and not on local production. Our sugar production is only 20 per cent.

When we try to expand, the people are saying that the farmers of Moneragala are deprived of their land and various things. Unless we substitute a part of what we consume through local production, we have to go on spending money. With a surplus of rice we spend on importing flour. How long can we go on like this? People also must follow the reality.