Can democracy return to Pakistan?
PAKISTAN: When General Ershad was ruling Bangladesh, both Khalida Zia
and Sheikh Hasina were agitating for restoration of democracy. But, at
the same time, they were fighting against each other. It struck them _
some well-meaning people helped them make up their mind _ to defer their
confrontation till they had ousted Ershad.
They and their parties, Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Awami
League, respectively, joined hands and brought the people's rule back.
It is another matter that they lost no time in resuming their fight,
making the nation wonder whether it would have been better of under the
military rule. Even today that option is not being ruled out.
I was reminded of the joint struggle in Bangladesh when I read about
the meeting between Begum Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Sharif in
London. Both stopped fighting some time ago because they had nothing to
fight over. Both were in the wilderness.
Benazir has said that a "meeting with Sharif is aimed to discuss
joint drive for the revival of the constitution and democracy and for
ending the military dictatorship." I hope that the common front will not
fall apart once democracy is restored in Pakistan. Both of them must
assure the people of Pakistan that the two have buried the hatchet.
However, the mere meeting is not going to erase old animosities. The
stakes are too high. One of them will be the prime minister if and when
democracy returns to Pakistan. It is easy to forego even the highest
office when the contestants are nowhere near attaining it.
The attitude can change when prime ministership is almost there.
However, Sharif told me at Jeddah two years ago that he would ring up
Benazir to offer her the office. He said he could afford to "wait" and
would ask her be the Prime Minister first. He was true to his words.
A few months later, I interviewed Benazir at Dubai where she lived.
After checking with her, I found that Sharif had telephoned her to
convey that he would like her to be the Prime Minister. Subsequently,
they met at Jeddah to firm up the understanding. Benazir was on her way
to Mecca for Umra.
The meeting in London was a sequel to the several meetings the
leaders of her Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and Sharif's Muslim League
had held in and outside Pakistan. They tried to iron out their
differences. Whether they did it to the last crease is difficult to say.
But the manner in which the cadres of the two parties have begun
cooperating on the ground shows that they are together at present. The
rapprochement between Benazir and Sharif is an important development
because it brings together the two main political parties in Pakistan.
Each has a large following and both are ideologically closer to each
other than before.
But their approach to the military rule is somewhat different. I
found Sharif "absolutely uncompromising" on the role of the armed
forces. He told me that the military could have no role in the
governance in his scheme of things.
It would be completely under the elected rulers as was the practice
in a democracy. He gave the example of India. I have not discussed the
subject with Benazir. But I learn from her party leaders that she may
accept the Turkish model, an apex council with the three services chiefs
as its members.
The most important thing which has emerged from the London meeting is
the "Charter of Democracy" that the two leaders have endorsed. It talks
about the independence of the Election Commission, the judiciary and
such other institutions. There is yet another point in the Charter that
the political parties in India might like to study.
A government in power would be allowed to complete its full tenure.
Although it goes against the grain of parliamentary system, the fixed
tenure can bring about political stability which the country needs.
India's democratic structure has been trivialised because of the
ambition of even a tiny party to have a share in power. The ruling party
has to accommodate it to sustain a majority in parliament.
The challenge before us is how to allow a coalition to settle down
and govern for the full tenure because there is no likelihood for a
single party to rule the country for many years to come. The main
problem that Benazir and Sharif face is how to oust the military
dictatorship. Both the leaders do not enjoy the best of reputation to
evoke popular response.
What helps the situation is the announcement by the Pakistan Election
Commission that the next election would be held under a caretaker setup.
Otherwise, a popular protest like the one in Nepal is difficult to
imagine.
The post-independent Pakistan does not know of a single countrywide
struggle. Although the joint statement does not say anything about prime
ministership, it is understood that Benazir would occupy the top
position if and when the time comes.
Both the PPP and the Muslim League may have to fight against the
Muttihida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), a combination of religious parties.
It may be against President Pervez Musharraf but its track record is
that it backs him up because it feels more comfortable with the armed
forces than with political parties. MMA wants to take Pakistan towards
fundamentalism, not democracy. Strange, Benazir should say that she
would extend "all possible cooperation to it." This only confuses the
issue.
However, the "Charter of Democracy" does not go far enough. Democracy
without economic opportunities holds good only till the polling day.
The disillusionment begins soon after. Freedom is necessary but so is
the bread. Both Benazir and Sharif coming from the elite strata of the
society as they do, have to spell out what the common man can expect if
and when one of them comes to power.
His sufferings are untold and he will not remain content if political
freedom is without economic freedom. To quote Jawaharlal Nehru who
founded the Indian institutions, "Democracy is means to an end, not the
end in itself. We talk good of society. Is this something apart from and
transcending the individuals composing it?"
Then there is the question of provincial autonomy. One of the reasons
why the army could take over Pakistan easily was the centralised
governance. Islamabad has too much power. It has to share it with the
states.
The agitation in Sind many years ago and the current uprising in
Baluchistan should make Benazir and Sharif wiser. They cannot take the
states for granted. India is stable because the states enjoy substantial
autonomy. A popular government at Islamabad has no other option.
|