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In an interview with the Independent Television Network, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga reaffirmed the Government's commitment to peace. She outlined the Government's employment, development and social welfare goals. She also dealt with Constitutional reform, bringing down the cost of living, eliminating bribery and corruption and maintaining the dignity and decorum of Parliamentary sessions.

The following is a translated transcript of the interview conducted in Sinhala.

Q: Three months have elapsed since the United People's Freedom Alliance came to power. The Opposition accusation is that the pledges given before coming to power have not been fulfilled. What are your comments on this issue?

A. The United National Front Government during their rule of two and half years did only the minimum of development work. Unemployment escalated. There were no wage increases. Corruption increased as never before. People wanted to minimise these problems. Our Government, during the last three months, has done more development work than the UNF did for two and half years. Agriculture was neglected. The farmers were not given facilities. The fertilizer subsidy was reduced. Loan concessions provided by us were suspended.

Our Government had programmes to improve the productivity of farmers. We had a programme to procure high quality seed paddy. Our Government had increased the production of genetic seed paddy. The previous UNP Government suspended such programmes. We have recommenced them. We have increased the fertilizer subsidy by 50 per cent. We have brought down the price of fertiliser to Rs.600 from its earlier Rs.1000 or Rs.1100. Steps were taken to reduce it by a further Rs.75.

The production of high quality seed paddy and the provision of agricultural services were ignored during the previous 17 year UNP rule. We revived them after 1994. Plans have been drawn by now to secure a better price for farmers. Even by now the farmers are getting a better price though it costs a little more to the rice consumer. When the harvest of the entire country is reaped, the price of rice will come down within the next two weeks.

During the recent past, Ministers callously imported rice on a commission basis to coincide with the harvesting period. During our period we maintained the purchasing price of paddy at Rs.12 or Rs.13 per kilo. Now, cultivators receive a higher price while consumers enjoy lower prices in respect of other commodities. When local produce flows into the market prices will come down further.

Under our programme of "Rata Perata" we have introduced programmes to uplift agriculture. Accordingly, the cost of living will come down within a few months. The economy devastated throughout two and half years cannot be revived within two or three years. During the last three months we prepared a programme for this. We have prepared the ground for farmers to be relieved of the burden of debts. We have reduced the price of fertiliser and helped the farmers to increase their productivity in order to increase their income. The results will be seen before the end of this year.

We have commenced providing employment to 27,000 graduates. They will receive their appointments within the next two weeks.

The UNP lie experts and the media resort to their usual propaganda to say that there will be a second interview to recruit the graduates. There is only one interview. They will be directed to appropriate fields depending on their qualifications. After this, the other programme to find employment to 30,000 GCE "O" level and "A" level qualified persons will commence.

While implementing the Devendra Commission Report to increase the salaries of public servants by 70 per cent, we were ousted by conspirators who grabbed power. Our ensuing budget will have provision to increase public servants' salaries beginning from January next year.

During the past two and half years salaries in certain fields were increased disproportionately. A Cabinet sub-committee has been appointed to look into these anomalies. The next budget will include their recommendations.

Q: One other question raised by the UNP is that giving employment to the graduates is a "chanda gundu" (election gimmick). Could you please affirm that the graduates will be given employment?

A: This is not a lie. It is the UNP which has "Chanda Gundus". Before 1994, when Ranil Wickramasinghe was Prime Minister for over one year he recruited about 6,000 to 7,000 graduates. The graduates were kept on temporary basis and not made permanent. We gave permanent employment to the graduates. There is no need for us give false promises.

Q: The Freedom Alliance Government promised to bring about permanent peace. But there was a bomb explosion where a suicide bomber killed herself exploding the bomb when she was taken to the Kollupitiya Police Station. There is a fear among the public that incidents of this nature might be a stumbling block to the peace process.

A: Our peace process is something wider than what happened at the Police Station. The peace process commenced ten years ago. This current suicide took place four years after the assassination of the then Industrial Minister C.V. Gunaratne. We started the peace process in 1999 taking the Norway Government as facilitator. The result of that effort was seen by October, 2000 with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding. We were to commence negotiations in April and there were no bomb explosions during that period of time. The war had stopped temporarily. There were no bomb explosions during the past two and half years. And if this bomb explosion was triggered with the knowledge of the LTTE, then it is a breach of the ceasefire agreement. Even with the change of government the LTTE observed the ceasefire agreement to a large extent. The government also acted in a similar manner.

We can't think because of this one isolated incident in Colombo that the peace process would be thrown to the back seat. The process is very difficult and arduous. We will not allow the peace process to reverse just because of this type of isolated incident. Looking at the world we know that one or two incident occurring in between would not move one entirely away from the central issue at hand.

The people know well the dedication and commitment I have for peace. We will not do what the UNP leadership did during the election times. They entered into agreements with the LTTE in secret. We will not do that. We have put forward to the masses of this country what we have discussed with the LTTE for their approval during the election campaign. We will not sign hoax agreements or hold treacherous discussions. At present we continue extensive discussions with the LTTE in a transparent manner. We do not wish to make this a media circus, a carnival by sending two/three ministers overseas. We must discuss what is needed and what is essential. We entered the peace process with a very clear work program and a plan. We will not act in the way the UNP acted to deceive people.

The UNP did not develop this country during the past two years. They even deceived the LTTE. The only thing they did was letting some ministers exploit national resources. It is the biggest misuse of resources in our history. This was the first time that we saw such a spree of plundering. The Ministers prospered and flourished while deceiving the masses en-bloc.

We are not going to abandon the peace process just because of some isolated events. We have a clear program of work and we wish to move forward with that program of work to bring about peace. We are now looking into how it happened and why. After this incident, the LTTE has assured that they would take the peace process forward.

Q: The Freedom Alliance Government has a number of political parties. Have they given an undertaking that they would support you in taking the peace process forward ?

A: Yes. If not, I would not have formed the government. If there was no agreement we would not have formed an Alliance.

Q: Today there is a problem of a majority in the Parliament. The parties in the Opposition have signed a document as an alliance and had given that to the Speaker of the House. Although they say that what they intended through that document was to protect democracy, it states that the Opposition has a majority in Parliament. The government is unable to form a majority although it is almost three months since this government assumed power. What is your comment ?

A: What do you mean by a majority ? It means the will of the people of this country. The existence of either the majority or minority in parliament is based on the will of the people. For the present Freedom Alliance has the will of the vast majority of people of this country. If that majority is not reflected in Parliament, there lies the mistake.

When people have freely expressed their will at an election, and we obtain more than 2/3 of the electorates, we have the majority. That is what we know as democracy. If the majority is not reflected in Parliament, there is big mistake in the whole system of electing MPs. It is a mistake in the running of elections. Now we are trying to rectify this situation by changing the elections system. Ranil Wickremesinghe is against that. He is opposing it because then he can keep the country in this chaotic situation.

Nowhere in the world we see that Parliament does not reflect the will of the majority of the people after an election. If the UNP does not wish to change it and does not support the move taken by the government, people will reject democracy and in order to prevent people going for something more dangerous, we may have to bring about this change through a Legislative Council.

The Opposition after forming an alliance now say that they have not formed an alliance but they signed only a letter. They have very clearly stated that there is no an alliance in the Opposition. One hundred per cent I agree that there should be decorum in Parliament. The members signed that document. If they said that even our MPs would have signed that. That decorum in Parliament was lost on August 3, 2000 while Ranil was the leader of the Opposition. Not only in our political history, but also in the political history of the world, it was the worst form of behaviour. They kept on scolding in filth their Head of the State, a woman, for more than one hour and forty five minutes. They tore the most esteemed document, the Constitution, thrown as fire balls towards the President. Ranil Wickremesinghe directed them on, often getting out of his seat. That was the day which began the downfall of the culture we highly speak of in Parliament. That was the day decorum dashed to the lowest ebbs. If they behave well our people will also behave well.

It is not for me to remain in power that a change of the Constitution is necessary. The people of this country have given me a massive mandate throughout 11 years. When I have such a mandate, do I need a change in the Constitution to remain in power?

J.R. Jayewardene made a Constitution capable of destroying the country. What I need is to prevent the harm befalling the country because of this Constitution. The majority of UNP Parliamentarians who advocate the need to change the Executive Presidency have told me that we should all forget about the problem of the Executive Presidency and join hands to change the existing Constitution which is a curse to the people. I challenge the UNP to support that cause, if they have an iota of love for the country.

I need not abolish the Executive Presidency to go to Parliament. Whether the Executive Presidency is there or not, I can go to Parliament, if I want. The United National Party took into custody even the people who saved my life. We would not have done such things. Appropriate action will be taken based on available information and documents, to deal with those who resorted to corruption during the UNP regime. Steps have been taken to take legal action against those involved in corruption.

Bribery or Corruption Investigation Commission became defunct during the Ranil Wickremesinghe regime. On this matter, I straightaway accused Ranil Wickremesinghe. Under the laws framed by G.L. Peiris, the Bribery or Corruption Investigation Commission should have three members all of whom are necessary to discuss and take a decision. Otherwise the Commission cannot function. One of the Commissioners expired.

During the tenure of office of Ranil Wickremesinghe I addressed eight letters to him about the Commission. In every one of those letters I urged him to appoint a Commissioner in place of the expired Commissioner. Wickremesinghe did not answer any of those letters. Whatever said and done, during the UNF regime the Bribery or Corruption Investigation Commission could not function.

Thieves can be brought before Court. In spite of the Bribery or Corruption Investigation Commission being non-functional, we managed to bring before Court one or two culprits who were engaged in large scale corruption. But various things took place in Court.

The Transparency International Institute once said that Sri Lanka has the most corrupt judiciary and the police in the Region. I do not like to dwell on this issue any further. As the President of the country I endeavoured to check corruption. I received the cooperation of the Chief Justice in this regard.

During the UNF regime attempts were made to increase the number of Commissioners to four instead of the existing three. That was to include in the Commission another person of their choice. It did not materialise due to my strong opposition. Punishment to rogues is delayed due to the Commission being non-functional for one and half years. Charges have been levelled against more than half of the UNF Cabinet of Ministers.

The Freedom Alliance is the party with the largest majority. Accordingly I invited it to form the government. I have not heard of any other Alliance of parties. People have given power to the party I represent. The people have entrusted the alliance with the responsibility of rebuilding the country which had been trampelled and destroyed within the last two and a half years and another 17 years during a previous era. As President I am duty bound to develop the country with the co-operation of which ever government in power.

The country is bestowed with all the necessary human and physical resources. Today we have a government comprising leaders who will not rob its resources for private gains. Our government has a clear cut program and its priority is to implement that program.

The Opposition has charged that the move to change the constitution was intended to enable me to continue in power. What is the basis of that allegation.

I need not change the constitution if I want to remain in power.

The people have given me a massive mandate continuously for a period of 11 years. Therefore I need not change the Constitution to remain in power. What I want is to change this Constitution which had ruined this country which had been foisted under the leadership of late President J. R. Jayewardene.

J.R. not only destroyed this country but harassed the Tamils and started a war in this country. He had designed a Constitution which did not permit anyone to build this country even after his death. Therefore this Constitution had to be changed for the future benefit of the country. Even some UNP MPs have confided in me that they are agreeable to abolish the Executive Presidency. They have said that a democrat like me is most suitable to be President, but they are afraid as to who would inherit the Presidency later.

These UNP MPs say that this Constitution is most dreadful and it needs change. I challenge the UNP to join hands with us to change this electoral system which destroyed democracy. The UNP should agree to this if it had even an iota of love and concern for the country. There is no need for me to change the Constitution if I want to enter Parliament.

Allegation of bribery and corruption have been levelled against Ministers and MPs of the former UNP regime by several Freedom Alliance Parliamentarians.

They have even named some of them. Although legal action against them had been promised no action had been taken in this direction so far.

When an attempt was made to arrest one such person he had obtained some relief from Court. But hearing of the case had not begun so far. Governments led by me would never resort to fraudulent activities. Within two weeks of our government assuming power all files relating to allegations of bribery and corruption against 8 former UNP Ministers had been collected and arrangements finalised to institute legal actions against them.

It was Ranil Wickremesinghe who inactivated the commission to investigate allegations of Bribery and Corruption. According to the commission formulated by Prof. G. L. Peiris the commission constituted three members.

The commission could not act unless all three members sat and concurred on its decisions. One of the commissioners died in January 2003. It is the speaker in his capacity as Chairman of the Constitutional Council who should appoint a person to fill that vacancy.

I have written 8 letters to Ranil Wickremesinghe requesting him to activate the Bribery and Corruption Commission but the former speaker failed to do so. Without appointing the third member the UNP in a most degrading manner brought up a Cabinet memorandum to change the Bribery and Corruption Commission Act thrice. The UNP proposed that the membership should be extended to 5 and three of them should be nominated by it. The existing procedure was to appoint former Judges as the three members of the commission. Persons found guilty by this commission could be sent to jail without being produced in a Court of Law.

We instituted Court action against one of the three UNPers against whom the most number of allegations were made because the Bribery and Corruption Commission was inactive.

The UNP proposal to expand the membership of the Commission did not materialise due to my opposition. Even veteran lawyers had expressed their surprise and bewilderment over the UNP proposal. The Bribery and Corruption Commission had been inactive for one and a half years.

There are allegations against more than half the number of former UNP Ministers. Since the Commission was inactive investigations were launched into these allegations at ministerial level.

We will be presenting a new Bill in Parliament to expedite investigations against bribery and corruption allegations. When we consider the economy the fuel prices have substantially increased in the world market. Increasing fuel prices have an adverse impact on prices of goods.

During the 7 1/2 year period of rule of the PA Government we have been able to reduce the prices of goods except during its final one year. During 7 years of our rule there was 6 per cent economic growth in the country and prior to July 2001 it rose to 6.3 per cent. In July 2001 the growth rate decreased due to the drought and the Katunayake Air Port bomb attack.

Although the present government could not decrease prices of goods it had been able to control the prices of essential goods including rice without allowing it to increase.

According to the world economic situation what is done is to control prices. The living standards of the people should be improved to enable them to cope with the prices of goods. I have promised to provide employment and grant salary increases to attain this. It is hoped that it would be possible to reduce prices of goods in the near future. Price of a crude oil barrel is US $ 35. It is going down.

Whatever happens we are taking action to control the amount of expenditure on oil. The results can be informed to the masses within a month.

When we compare the first two years of PA government with the first two years of the UNP government, in our PA regime investments were fore-fold, higher than theirs.

The major reason for that was that the BOI was under my control and I didn't allow fraud or corruption.

But in the first two years of the last regime commissions were taken from each and every investment. I didn't allow such behaviour. We are now in a position to resume investment. Our economy will be boosted.Whatever is said the country's debt rate rose from 103 to 107 in the UNP regime. We were able to reduce it. Korea was a country which invested most in Sri Lanka. Half of Korean factories had been closed down in the UNP period. but if a single factory would be on the verge of closure in our time we called them, conducted an investigation and appointed a committee to look into it. We would subsidise them.

No action has been taken to instal any single power project in last 2 1/2 years.

No action has been taken at least to start such a project.

Instead generators were provided to the companies of the UNP secretary on a priority basis spending large amount of money.

Because of this while the rate price of a unit of electricity globally hanging between US $ 0.06-0.07 our people had to pay US $ 0.13 for a unit.

That indicates when the possibility was there to buy a unit at a rate of Rs. 6-7 the UNP government paid Rs. 13 for it.

Almost all of them got their pockets filled. We stopped this and now we have planned a system to obtain electricity. We will be able to supply electricity at a low rate especially to factories.

We have already started a project to maintain the rate of electricity at a stable level. Accordingly we would be able to restore the condition of uninterrupted power supply that was ruined in the last 2 1/2 years. Necessary steps have already been taken and they are now becoming fruitful.

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