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| Saturday, 24 July 2004 |
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Bradman Weerakoon - Rendering Unto Caesar - a fascinating story of one man's tenure under nine Prime Ministers and Presidents of Sri Lanka - New Dawn Press, Incs, UK, USA (2004) - Review by Prof. Bertram Bastiampillai. Bradman Weerakoon is no stranger to readers in Sri Lanka. His earlier book educated many about the varied and manifold responsibilities that befell one who had assisted Prime Ministers. It enabled an exceptionally unruffled and invariably pleasant, saliently intelligent personality to run the gamut of public administration that confronted an island which was beset by a bewilderment of vicissitudes in governance. Like a doyen at grappling with novel challenges of different administrations Bradman Weerakoon distinguished himself as an inimitable unique public officer presiding at the helm of management. The unusual story of Bradman Weerakoon undergirded with unblemished trust of leaders is presented pure to enhance public edification further in his new book, 'Rendering Unto Caesar' published by New Dawn Press, Inc. UK, USA, India. The subtitle, "A fascinating story of one man's tenure under nine Prime Ministers and Presidents of Sri Lanka", tells all in captivating style. To Caesar unstintingly Bradman rendered and in truly admirable fashion he never gave unto any leader that one had only to render unto God: a true indicator of lack of servility and a faultless discernment of justice. Understand the preface One who needs to understand the study of Bradman should carefully follow his preface. It unravels much that aids one to comprehend the different, the dilemma, and above all the enigmatic and cryptic with which the author had to contend with in a challenging task. On Sir John Kotalawela, appositely Bradman quotes before commencement of his studied account, Rousseau. "The strongest man is never strong enough to be always master, unless he transforms his power into right, and obedience to duty". How correct. He deals with some important events including the defeat of Sir John's election, the fallout with Dudley Senanayake, and the birth of a new leadership is studded with gripping anecdotes. Bradman had been specifically enroled into the Prime Minister's august office because of his singular abilities in wording messages and getting things done. He was a man to be reckoned with as a public official. Bandaranaike merits special attention as his tenure deals with cardinal changes and developments in public life as well as coinciding with significant happenings in Bradman's own life. The fears that Bradman may have to move out of the Prime Ministerial sanctum proved groundless. Indeed, a time of 'transition' was remarkably in respect of Sinhalese as the official langauge and Buddhism as specially favoured. This chapter is amazingly flavoured with insights into 65, Rosmead Place, Bandaranaike's home. Sinhala only legislation Sinhala only legislation and its aftermath are faithfully crafted. An unforgettable truth one learns inter alia is the tenacity with which the civil servants of yore including a friend of mine, Vere de Mel, valued discipline and truth, come what may. Also, the politics of language being exploited is skilfully demonstrated. The split amongst personalities provoked by Philip Gunawardana's Paddy Lands Bill and Cooperative Development is discussed lucid with details one would relish reading. Incidentally, when I knew Minister Philip I found him most understanding. A little later Bandaranaike suffered fatal shooting as the author concisely records. Former premiers
He wore a span cloth to enter Parliament to protest the rationing of cloth and spoke once for over thirteen hours. He pioneered but successfully, unlike the Chartists, a petition for free education, a worthy act indeed! Daha was often tempted to break into verse parodying his subject. Daha's shift into the official residence was unconventional as he too was in every way. A quick decision-maker and subject to correction of lapses, Dhanayake was not difficult to team with. The latter time of Dahanayake's all too brief Prime Ministership riddled with difficulty is interestingly informative, and like the election conducted during his tenure provides absorbing reading. The general election and aftermath holds one's attention as the author has written so succinctly of the event and time. As Bradman turns to discuss Premier Dudley Senanayake subtitled 'The Short Parliament' (March 1960 - July 1960) he makes, in spite of constraints, an enchanting account. It is not as Prime Minister one would remember Dudley but as a sportsman, and a sport in politics too! This presents a patent indication that Bradman was both a confidant and counsellor to political bosses. Sirimavo Bandaranaike (July 1960- August 1965) 'first', woman Prime Minister, played out with remarkable adroitness a full innings though a new entrant to the slimy milieu of politics. She displayed firmness, concern for people, and to economy. She encountered thorny issues but handled strongly her democratic socialist policies. She did not wilt even when the economy substantially waned. Unfortunately she could not devote her needed care on mending ethnic divisions because other grave challenges such as the abortive coup in 1962 and its follow-up engaged her thoroughly. Bradman meanwhile certainly won his spurs as confidant, as his secret mission to London demonstrates. A high watermark of her prime Ministerial tenure was evident in the Conference of Afro - Asian Non-Aligned Countries in 1962, and an exceptional achievement was the State visit to and rapport with socialist countries, a turing point in foreign relations policy. The Non-Aligned Conference in Cairo is another feather in her cap. The Indo-Sri Lanka settlement in 1964 was a diplomatic win. Both internally too reforms were ushered in for the better. The latter pages are exciting and vitally connected first to Mrs. Bandaranaike, and later to the untimely demise of her son-in-law, Vijaya Kumaratunga and deprivation of her civic rights. It merits serious reading. Dudley Senanayake, youngest Prime Minister, held office most number of times. Experience had strengthened Dudley for the 1965 to 1970 spell. Bradman, however, was compelled to pay the price for having worked long with Mrs. Bandaranaike. He had to tread warily and disabuse the mind of Dudley of suspicion. If his actions appeared to Mrs. Bandaranaike unfair it made Bradman uneasy as there was no need for malice when you serve one and then another. Styles vary, relations with new set of allies, the Federal Party members, also posed problems provoked by the Tamil Congress representative, G.G. Ponnambalam Dudley was captive to the Mahaweli project and Food Production Drive which yielded benefits. The Premier's fascination was almost irrational with a New Year card showing him as span-clothed cultivator with a mamoty on shoulder. Bradman has been handling responsibilities and obligations devoid of commensurate returns. He argued convincingly to get the post upgraded buttressing his claim with so much detailed reason that this appeal is worth serious attention. Significantly dealt with is Kachativu, a contentious isle under claim by India and Ceylon, still not dead as an issue. The Mackie Ratwatte case and misuse of Bradman as a witness owing to political likes and dislikes illustrate that superior jobs in Sri Lanka are fraught with conspiratorial political exploitation and abuse. It unnecessarily caused in salutariness in Bradman's unblemished civil service career. Curious example Bradman indicates in a curious example how sensitive information needs to be conveyed especially when the Premier is on a foreign visit. What was innocuous about Dudley was made vicious in a newspaper reference. A little known but laudable quality of Dudley was his reading particularly foreign affairs, underlining telling passages to be referred to his Secretary. Dudley was indifferent nevertheless to what he wore till later a new tailor made him dress more nattily. Dudley's achievement was holding seven parties together and that in Sri Lanka. But danger loomed in with the JVP getting busier, and the first signs of militancy. In 1970 elections Dudley lost to Mrs. Bandaranaike and Bradman was replaced by Dharmasiri Pieris to whom Bradman says nothing but the best. Bradman nursed no rancur. By 1970 Bradman who hitherto had walked corridors of importance was moved to Ampara, an outlying periphery but also reverted to the charm outstation administration. Soon exile got to be a demanding yet rewarding elixir. The civil servant was thrown into his element; water for cultivation and consumption, rural employment for food and poverty and wants of the relegated forgotten kept Bradman gainfully occupied. Within two years what was ignored and left to rot was resurrected, revived, the Gal-Oya Scheme was rehabilitated, an achievement to remember. But political rivalry can endeavour reduce to dwarfdom because Minister Felix Dias Bandaranaike wanted Bradman warned for gracing the occasion of a tribute to the architect of the Gal-Oya Project, D. S. Senanayake. Smallness, cripple sense and sensibility amongst adversarial politicians. Bradman enriches our knowledge with the 1971 youth uprising and especially enthralling is the discourse on the forest hermitages and ancient Deegavapi. Exile from centre of policy The exile from the centre of policy and decision making to Bradman in 1972-74 to Batticaloa, an unusually alluring district where seasonal migration characterised cultivation and missionary education had instilled literacy. Whilst in office Bradman left no room for grass to grow under his feet. He sorted out vexing problems of a boundary and illegal settlements. Bradman now turned around for a break from Sri Lanka but in spite of his abilities faced ill-luck. This section is graced by Bradman's impartial diagnosis of the island's ethnic ailment. Next Bradman was moved to Galle, pregnant with potential discord unlike placid Batticaloa. But the investigative spirit of the civil service inspired valiant Bradman to pick up the gauntlet. Analysis on the district political authority and politicisation of the bureaucracy is invaluable as even unto today the dubious benefits and obvious ill effects of this myopic measure lingers. Another controversial topic of analysis is the Land Reform Act of 1947 but more pleasant survey and useful was handing annual flooding of Galle's Gin Ganga and the Chinese bond. By August 1976 Bradman became regional director in the International Planned Parenthood Federation and had quit government service. Bradman was appointed Regional Director of the Indian Ocean Region. Sri Lanka's population increase was not alarming unlike that of Pakistan. Though new to the nature of responsibility, Bradman discharged his obligation with usual commitment and conscientiousness and managed matters pronouncedly well. Essential reading in this little section is on Indira Gandhi's population control. It evoked fear and perhaps even her poor performance at the next elections. 1977 elections After the shocking results of 1977 elections J. R. Jayawardene had Bradman back as Secretary, Ministry of Plantation Industries. Problems of new government had to contend with, were economy, resolution of the ethnic conflict with the District Development Councils, Indian interest in Sri Lanka and the Executive President, Jayawardene's response. In the new authoritarian government with usual insight Bradman diagnosed that health, education and elimination of disadvantages vis a vis of the neighbouring paramount needs amongst plantations were urgent. Additional estate - village integration and, importantly gaining prices for plantation produce demanded efforts. Bradman was soon coping with these new functions when he was invited by Prime Minister Premadasa to be Secretary. All too familiar, yet a challenge! Working with Premadasa To work with Premadasa was unusual experience. Never taking no for an answer he adopted singular ways to collect material and funds for projects by exhorting contractors and business contacts to subscribe costs. When the uneasy alliance with Federal Party ruptured, Premadasa succeeded Thiruchelvam as Minister. An astute observation about Premadasa was that he was quick to take offence and sensitive to perceived slights. Correct assessment is that he is a good friend and a bad foe. He was intensely disciplined and exercised strict vigilance over all actions under his sway. As Minister Premadasa was impeccably dressed and fostered traditional arts and local culture. Premadasa took a leading role in the 1977 election and accounted for J. R. Jayawardene's overwhelming majority. Premadasa as Prime Minister to J. R. Jayawardene made up an ideal duo to deal with the people of Sri Lanka. Together they got on famously until the Indo-Lanka accord brought in its wake strains between Executive President and Prime Minister. As Premier Premadasa was not restrained in actions and played a significant role in national affairs and actions. To Premadasa's credit lies his housing programme accomplished later on with people's and private sector participation and less state outlay. Grand and humble together Premadasa brought the grand and the humble together in ceremonies and achieved much in tireless endeavour. An event to remember in his creation of the International Year of Shelter in 1987 and building villages. Premadasa recognised emphasis on ceremonial paid by people and exploited this predilection. A notable achievement in his extraction of British aid for the Victoria Project confirmed in Lusaka in August 1979. In 1981 an exhibition graced by the British Queen was mounted at the Commonwealth Institute in London. Premadasa was present on the occasion organised on Bradman's suggestions. Unfortunately 1983 was a disaster for Sri Lanka owing to the July pogrom. Bradman as Commissioner General had more than enough of labour to render with responsibility. |
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Bandaranaike was succeeded in September 1959, by a difficult to conjure
Head of a Nation, yet a long-standing Parliamentarian, for only a short
spell till March 1960 in office. Daha as the Premier, commonly was known
for his idiosyncrasies.
