Play it right

As the general public of this country at times we wonder at the seemingly inexplicable happenings in the international arena, where relationships seem strained between Sri Lanka and certain nations. We jump to conclusions on the progress of the reconciliation process and discussions with the TNA. Sajin De Vass Gunawardena is the Monitoring Member of Parliament to the Ministry of External Affairs, he dispels urban myths in relation to foreign policy and engagement with other nations, where positive achievements are failed to be highlighted in Sri Lanka. He speaks about the progress made so far and agrees that there is more to be done.

With regards to the TNA, he cautions that history should not be repeated through the actions of the TNA, where the needs of the Tamil people should be given priority and not the political aspirations of the TNA. He says it is the last chance for the TNA to make the difference for posterity. The ball is in their court, it is time for them to play it right.

Udeshi AMARASINGHE

Q: Many things have happened over the past few months that have been disturbing. However, there is no sense in dwelling on the past, but to learn and move forward. Can you tell us what plans or strategies have been made to maintain good relations with other countries especially the West and India?

Sajin De Vass Gunawardena

A: We have to look at this in the context of the US backed human rights resolution that was passed against Sri Lanka in Geneva recently.

Taking from there, I feel we have managed to maintain the fact of the importance of the Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission and the action that is emanating from that. Our relationship in terms of the West and India must be viewed in that proper context.

If we look at our relationship with the West and India in a generalised manner, then we have very cordial relations with these countries because human rights is only one aspect of a relationship with any country.

We have strong bi-lateral relations with all these countries. For example, if we look at the UK; His Excellency President Mahinda Rajapaksa attended the celebration of Queen Elizabeth's Diamond Jubilee, where he met with British Prime Minister David Cameron and we as part of His Excellencies delegation met with William Hague. We had a very constructive engagement.

Prior to that the Minister of External Affairs, G L Pieris led a delegation, which I was also part of, to meet US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, where we discussed the progress we have made, what we intent to do and the process of which the LLRC recommendations would be implemented was discussed.

We are in a much better place in terms of our relationship with any country, including India, where they also have recognised the good work that we have done.

Q: From the outside it seems as if Sri Lanka is antagonising other countries.

A: It depends on the perspective that you look at it from; friends of Sri Lanka would see it otherwise, enemies of Sri Lankan would see it in another way. But, we need to look at it in an analytical way at the contextual issues and on what our relationship has been based on. Human rights is only just one aspect of the relationship. We have bilateral trade and investment. Then we have other forums where we engage with them but for those who have a negative perspective, they may interpret the situation differently. But from our perspective and from the perspective of those who value Sri Lanka and want to see the country progressing towards development and reconciliation, we have moved forward quite positively and effectively.

Q: Relations with India, USA and European countries were much more cordial during the war than it is right now. What are your thoughts on this?

A: If we look at the relationship between war-time and now, I do not see much of a change. At that time there was one thing paramount, that was the eradication of terrorism. Let us talk on the premise of eradication of terrorism, the principle based on that. Having eradicated terrorism, the grouse on some of these entities, especially the LTTE diaspora - I will not say the Tamil diaspora as we need to differentiate sections of the diaspora that are supportive of the aspirations of the LTTE.

We see the propaganda that was propagated by them in the aftermath of the war in terms of reconciliation and accountability. When you take the aspect of accountability, the Ministry of Defence has clearly identified the number of people who are actually missing. This amounts to approximately 4,600. These figures have been provided to the respective countries. We have to understand that certain countries, especially Britain, are being forced to recognise certain aspects of the LTTE diaspora as they make a large voting block in their respective constituencies.

When you sit with these people (LTTE diaspora) and talk to them, you realise that they do not speak on facts. They have a conceived perception of what Sri Lanka should be and that's the ultimate goal of Eelam. In that context, when you take the UK, there are about 300,000 Tamil residents in UK, of which approximately 140,000 are in the greater London area, where there is a huge pressure by them on the members of Parliament who represent their constituencies. Taking those into consideration, certain governments have to give a little leverage in terms of accommodating their requests. However, if we look at the overall relationship - from a government to government perspective - we have dialogue and interaction, between the West and Sri Lanka. That is without compromising our stand. We have to maintain the stand that we have taken, and we have been quite transparent in our view. Therefore in that context our relationship is still the same and there is no setback in that regard.

Q: The LTTE overseas propaganda machinery is working over time creating a bad image for the country. How is the Ministry of External Affairs addressing this?

A: It is a herculean task. The issue we have here is that, the diaspora is entwined into the political system of these country. UK is a perfect example. At the time the President was in London to celebrate the Queen's Diamond Jubilee, we all know what actions the diaspora took. They surrounded the Marlborough House, where the lunch in honour of the Queen was being hosted by the Secretary General of the Commonwealth. That was not our event. There were so many heads of states that were visiting and the Police gave us a presentation the day before and showed us how dangerous the LTTE diaspora can be for civil society in UK. That is where we have to draw that reference from. They have been able to congregate and to make themselves powerful within the constituencies. In certain constituencies the balance of power, that is whether a certain candidate wins or loses, is dependent on their vote.

This is the issue that the Ministry of External Affairs has, where we cannot go down to the level of what the diaspora does, but we have to counter their actions.

We have done that very effectively by working with the respective institutions, by using other diaspora members, by visiting foreign ministries and other civil peers. But at the end of the day what becomes successful? Is it what we say, or is it what they say? What they say is very clear, what we say is factual. We give factual evidence of what is happening; whether it is development in the North or reconciliation. Whatever we do it is transparent as a government.

However, at the end of the day all these governments succumb to one thing, political power and votes. That is the problem that we face.

One thing I was very specific about after the recent fiasco in terms of the LTTE diaspora protesting in London and surrounding the Marlborough House, was that the threat today by such congregation, use of violence and force is not to Sri Lanka. Today they, LTTE diaspora, will take up Sri Lanka as an issue, but tomorrow when the British government takes perhaps some action, which is detrimental to the Tamil community - this is just a hypothetical situation - then you will see how they will destroy British society. This is something the British government must take into consideration. Deal with us on the issues that they have to deal with us, but keep the diaspora aside. The LTTE diaspora will never realise the ground-weariness, they will never come to Sri Lanka and see for themselves. They have an agenda that they want to take forward, but they also do not want to leave their homes and luxurious lives in London and come back to Sri Lanka. There are so many multi-faceted reasons as to why they would behave like that.

The Ministry of External Affairs of course has continuous engagement. Anybody can come and visit. We have been giving our facts. It is a continuous process that we undertake, but whether what we do is seen objectively and positively is something others have to decide.

Q: Tamil Nadu has played a pivotal role in the decisions that the Central Government of India has made. Sri Lanka needs to give attention to these aspects.

A: In the context of Tamil Nadu, whatever they are asking for is not something that we can concede to. Recently, Chief Minister Karunanidhi had said that ‘they have to get Eelam'. One question I would ask from the larger majority of the population of Tamils in Sri Lanka, is whether they accept that? Tamil Nadu is in another country, Sri Lanka is another country. Tamil Nadu is part of India. Rightfully, I remember Secretary of Defence, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa saying in reply to that statement, that they should start Eelam from there (Tamil Nadu), if it is their desire to have Eelam. Eelam is a concept - it is not something tangible, it is not something that is achievable - it was the vicious aim of Prabakaran who is no more. He caused massive bloodshed for over 30 years to achieve that aim. Therefore if Karunanidhi or whoever in Tamil Nadu wants to propagate that, the best place to start Eelam as Secretary of Defence said is in Tamil Nadu, not in Sri Lanka. But let the majority of the Tamils of this country speak for themselves. As far as we are concerned irrespective of ethnicity or religion we will not permit a separation of this country.

Sri Lanka does not need to take this very seriously. In terms of our relationship as a country, our relationship is with India, it is not with a part of it. If I am to say that our relationship is with Tamil Nadu, that is wrong. We do not recognise Tamil Nadu as a separate state or as a separate country. Our relationship is with entire India and in that context I think we have an excellent relationship with the country.

To be continued

Courtesy: Business Today