The Man Who Destroyed Eelam
Prabhakaran had everything:
territory, international support and committed fighters. Senior
journalist SHYAM TEKWANI, who has covered the LTTE and Sri Lanka for
almost three decades tracks the alarming rise and astonishing fall of a
man who sought to live to fight another day, but found only death at the
hands of his nemesis
Velupillai Prabhakaran |
More vividly than anything that came afterwards in the Sri Lanka war,
I remember his first handshake. The hand was soft, the grip delicate and
limp. On that occasion in Madras, as he contentedly claimed credit for
assassinating the Tamil Mayor of Jaffna and later, the slaughter of 13
Sri Lankan soldiers that ignited the conflict following the anti-Tamil
riots of 1983, Velupillai Prabhakaran’s dainty handshake seemed in
harmony with his soft voice.
A few more meetings and a couple of years later in 1987 - after
successfully evading a media ban to reach the frontlines in Jaffna - I
found myself reporting in the company of Prabhakaran’s ragtag troops in
their war against the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). In the
bougainvillea-lined mud tracks, while attempting to photograph his boys
gunning down the Indian soldiers in an ambush, I was transfixed by the
memory of that handshake as I watched the blood seep from an ill-fated
jawan’s head and mingle with the Jaffna dirt.
The other memory is his startled expression when I congratulated him
on his newborn towards the end of a long discourse on Eelam. Soon after
his fleeting pause, it became clear that he had lost interest in going
on and on with his vision of Eelam. He was less voluble, withdrawn and
then abruptly left the room. It was left to the master’s voice, Anton
Balasingham, to cautiously quiz me on how and what I knew of the
addition to his leader’s family.
These two memories define, at any rate for me through all my
experiences over the last 25 years in Sri Lanka, the man who has finally
destroyed the dream he almost made true. Both the memories give a
certain insight into the mind of the man. First, deceive all into
believing the contrary about your capabilities - deception is the core
of all his strategy. Second, never trust your own shadow - paranoia
dictates his behaviour. These traits contributed to the amazing rise -
and eventually the astonishing fall - of the leader of the most ruthless
terrorist organisation in the world.
To suggest that Prabhakaran worked to a master plan in building and
shaping his image of invincibility and developing the organisation from
a ragtag bunch of boys into the outfit that inspired awe and envy would
be to bestow upon him the title of a genius - which he is not. From the
beginning, he adopted a twofold strategy - consisting on the one hand of
an ‘international political campaign’ by galvanising the diaspora and
international opinion in his favour and on the other by bleeding the
economy and weakening the state through acts of terror. His success in
sustaining the conflict for over a quarter century came from a
combination of his own cunning and the lack of purpose, unity and
determination in his enemies.
The propaganda carpet bomb
A light moment: Sharing a joke with Yosi, a close aide |
Battle lines: Prabakaran at a strategy meeting with his aides in
Jaffna |
On guard: LTTE cadre guarding the water front from the ramparts
of the destroyed Dutch Fort |
Tigers pride: Prabakaran posing with his soldier ‘cubs’ in a
safe house |
“Today we’re engaged in the first war in history - unconventional and
irregular as it may be - in an era of e-mails, blogs, cell phones,
Blackberries, instant messaging, digital cameras, a global internet with
no inhibitions, cell phones, hand-held video cameras, talk radio,
24-hour news broadcasts, satellite television. There’s never been a war
fought in this environment before.” That was former US Secretary of
State, Donald Rumsfeld in 2005 referring, of course, to his woes
stemming from the unnecessary war in Iraq.
If propaganda wins wars, then the IPKF, which saved Sri Lanka from
becoming another Lebanon, fell victim to a weapon far more effective
than the deadliest conventional weapon in Prabhakaran’s jungle arsenal -
his propaganda tool, the media.
Central to Prabhakaran’s guerilla strategy - over two decades before
Rumsfeld made his observation - was a powerful communications network
and a sympathetic media. Hence, his exclusive interviews to handpicked
influential publications while he was enjoying the hospitality of the
Indian government in Madras during the mid-80s, when I first got to
shake his hand. From the outset, it was not difficult to win the support
of the media, particularly in the West.
Prabhakaran played his underdog cards adroitly with the help of his
advisor Anton Balasingham and his Australian born wife, Adele and the
LTTE’s media headquarters in London.
In November 1986, on the eve of the SAARC summit in Bangalore, the
police under instructions from the Chief Minister MG Ramachandran,
raided and seized arms and sophisticated communications gear from the
assorted Eelam groups operating out of Tamil Nadu. Prabhakaran went on a
much publicised fast-unto death in Madras quoting Mahatma Gandhi, whom
he said he was emulating in peaceful protest for the return of the
equipment. He demanded the immediate return of - not his rocket
launchers, SAM missiles and AK-47s - but his lifeline to the world, his
wireless sets. By this time, he had the media eating out of his hands
and the romanticisation of Prabhakaran - already in motion - now entered
the process of deification. Everything was returned to him in good order
along with a glass of fruit juice that he sipped to declare his victory.
Tiger’s pride Prabakaran posing with his soldier ‘cubs’ in a
safehouse
Battlelines Prabakaran at a strategy meeting with his aides in Jaffna
Light moment Sharing a joke with Yogi, a close aideLess than a year
later, I walked into a scoop in the Jaffna peninsula. IPKF Mi-24
helicopter gunships were on the attack in Chavakachcheri, an LTTE
stronghold. People around me were killed, most of them civilians. And my
cameras were the only media instruments witnessing the deaths.
A week later, when I surfaced in Colombo and rushed to the phone in
my hotel room to break the exclusive story, I was dismayed to find that
the attack was already the big story in the media.
Prabhakaran had already beaten me to it - even though there was no
electricity to light up his bases in the jungles. Even as the body count
in the damaged market area was in progress, his ‘boys’ had radioed their
souped-up version of the ‘bombing’ from their jungle hideouts to their
‘media’ headquarters in London from where a telex was sent out to every
major international publication. Photographs of death and destruction
from an assault during Operation Liberation (or Vadamarachchi Operation)
by Sri Lankan gunships six months earlier were circulated as evidence of
the Chavakachcheri attack.
The LTTE’s powerful communications network transmitted daily
situation reports (sitreps) from Jaffna to its media headquarters in a
Western capital where the sitreps were distributed as press releases
though telex machines (later with the introduction of fax machines and
the internet, it was able to readjust its media budget) to media and
governments in Western capitals. Printed material was was a prime means
of LTTE propaganda till the early 1990s, when the group went to great
expense to publish multilingual and expensively produced four-colour
booklets and pamphlets with profuse illustrations. These publications
were distributed to the local and international media and select
government organisations.
The LTTE’s high degree of familiarity with modern telecommunications
enabled it to occupy a very definitive niche in the international public
eye, in spite of the fact that it is party to a conflict in a small
south Asian nation, largely ignored by the West, and the fact that its
acts of violence have impacted only Sri Lanka and occasionally India.
The reason counter-terrorism practitioners began to focus their
attention, after 9/11, to Sri Lanka is Prabhakaran’s global reach. His
group is an integral part of the international terror network. Tactical
and technical contagion is a fact of terrorist tactics. From
hostage-taking, to hijacking to car-bombs, new methods have been quickly
absorbed and copied among terrorist groups worldwide. Witness the
Taliban’s use of civilians as human shields during the Pakistani-led
assault in Buner district last week.
Years before the world heard of Osama bin Laden or al Qaeda,
Prabhakaran was pioneering a new method of guerrilla warfare - the
suicide bomber. Innovations in the use of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs)
and the rampant use of child soldiers and new media technologies - were
quickly copied as regular methods of warfare following the invasion of
Iraq in 2002.
Prabhakaran has successfully operated in volatile environments where
his ability to change has been the group’s linchpin not only of
effectiveness, but also of survival. While Prabhakaran has had ample
motivations for change - technological developments, counterterrorism
measures, and shifts in people’s reactions to terror attacks - the
change has not occurred automatically.
As adaptive as a chameleon
Prabhakaran’s ambition to sever the island in two has been the only
constant in his life. Sustaining that for 30 years required a continuous
evolution and a firm hand. The practices he adopted were based on
selectively chosen models appropriated from a range of religious and
political traditions and rituals for a variety of political and
publicity goals. The flavor of the 1980s, for him, was Marxist rhetoric.
When his oft-repeated desire for a single party socialist government in
his imagined Eelam drew gasps of horror, the Lenin portrait in his den
was summarily removed and Marx was forsaken in all conversation. He then
abandoned ideology to aggressively build the cult around his persona. An
adoring media lent as zealous a hand as his followers to help build his
cult to mythical proportions - tales of his marksmanship, valour and
genius became commonplace. Soon, taking an oath in his name by his
cadres, celebrating his birthday, and displaying his portrait everywhere
became mandatory. Adele introduced the concept of feminism to recruit
girls. In her words, “Nowhere in the world has male chauvinism been
eradicated and it certainly has not disappeared from the Tamil society.
In his own image
However the male cadres show a great deal of respect, appreciation
and pride in the women combatants’ achievements.” From Hinduism, he
borrowed the practice of deifying his martyrs and erecting shrines where
people were expected to make offerings and pray on a day designated as
holy. Western military traditions provided him a model to build his army
while Hollywood, apart from inspiring movies of bravery and heroism,
taught him to produce slickly produced audio-visual presentations for
profit and for goodwill.
Food for fight Snacking at one of his safe houses in Jaffna Powerful
trio Prabakaran, Adele and Anton Balasingham in MullaitivuAcutely
conscious of the power of propaganda and his image as the most lethal
weapon in his arsenal, Prabhakaran ensured that everybody in his group
understood how to use it. Cadres were not to interact with anyone
outside the fold. His photograph - and only his - would be the single
image that hung on the walls of all denizens in his territory. Every
street corner would have his speeches or Eelam national songs playing
from the loudspeakers at all hours every day. Every offer of a ride in
the Balasingham’s air-conditioned SUV, with Adele at the wheel, in the
Jaffna peninsula perforce meant listening to Prabhakaran blaring from
the only cassette she would insert into the music player.
Calendars, posters, CDs, DVDs, newspapers, magazines, radio stations,
TV stations - he had them all out years before the world had heard of
the al Qaeda propaganda machinery. And while the word ‘web’, at any rate
for most of us in south Asia in 1993, triggered images of the common
house spider, the LTTE had its first website running on the server of a
university in the United States. This conveniently coincided with an
increasingly unfriendly media following the assassination of Rajiv
Gandhi. A computer academy funded and run by professionals from among
the diaspora in the Vanni region ensured that the ‘brains trust’ of the
LTTE kept abreast with the latest know-how.
A wing of the group (Internet Black Tigers) is credited with the
first ever cyber attack (1997) known to the world when it downed the
networks of Sri Lankan embassies across the world for a fortnight. In
the same year, it was able to hack into a university in the United
Kingdom, steal legitimate email IDs and solicit funds for a fictitious
hospital in Colombo. And as recently as last week, a group calling
itself Kalai Amman Electronic Warfare Unit hacked into the Sri Lanka
Army website and defaced its home page. Social network sites were
quickly adopted and a search on YouTube yields several hundred videos of
the group.
During one of our initial photo sessions (in the early 1980s),
Prabhakaran was awkward, uncertain of what was expected of him and very
receptive to being directed. When it was suggested he change into combat
fatigues, he went one further and emerged from the room with his pistol
fully loaded. Within seconds, framed by his bodyguards and a huge cut
out of a Tiger, with a huge portrait of Lenin in the background, he was
in his elements and an hour later eagerly asked for copies of his
performance. Several photo sessions later and in Jaffna while fighting
for his supremacy against the IPKF, he reveled in playing the role of
actor and director with consummate ease. He would tease a twinkle into
his eyes with as much ease as a flash of fury. There was bluster in his
voice, preparedness in dealing with questions and animation in his
conversations but his grip had lost none of its daintiness.
He would play to the gallery with sardonic witticisms, refrain from
any response in English, ponder a bit to deliver a quotable quote and
strike the pose that struck him as just right for the occasion. In one
of his hideouts during the IPKF operations, he called for his leopard
cub and while bantering with his friend and deputy, Yogaratnam Yogi,
posed gleefully for the camera stroking his pet - much like a prosperous
zamindar back from a hunt.
It was essential to his strategy to get the message across that he
had a committed following - and that this commitment came from man,
woman and child. The cyanide pill was the emblem of commitment - which
he generously arranged for me to photograph as his boys gamely posed
with them around their necks. |