The People’s Revolution in 1956

W. Annesley Sumith Fernando

Years ago, on July 12, 1951 to be exact, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, a giant among UNPers, serving as the Minister of Health and Local Government made a bold decision to forgo all positions and privileges he held in the party and the Government and to shun all links with UNP.

SWRD Bandaranaike	D. A. Rajapaksa

In the August assembly of the Parliament he walked across the floor, all alone to the opposition ranks, displaying courage and determination.

As he measured his steps he felt a shadow following him. SWRD turned back. He was startled. A person behind him was measuring his steps in tandem with him. He had a follower. The follower was none other than D. A. Rajapaksa, the MP from Beliatta. He had his links to the famous ‘Lion Clan of Ruhuna’ and was the father of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

SWRD played a dominant role in establishing SLFP in 1951, D. A. Rajapaksa’s contribution in this cause was no second to that of SWRD. Their untiring efforts gave birth to a new political party, which would become a force to be reckoned within the Sri Lanka political arena.

The UNP of the day appeared to be a party rotten to the core, holding fast to the manipulative hands of the former colonial masters. It paid lip service to all what was indigenous. It had nothing meaningful to offer to improve the lot of local farmers, indigenous physicians and humble workers. National languages and religions had no place in its agenda.

UNP appeared to be the darling of the abled and the rich, industrialists and the planters. Plight of the common man irked not the conscience of UNP, instead the delight of the rich cut a common chord with its policies and programs. SWRD could no more align with a party so degenerated, so aloof from the ordinary masses.

New political party

SWRD presented these proposals to the Cabinet of Ministers after prolonged thought and much deliberation. He did not want them to be rushed through in haste. It was not even after the UNP has won the elections in 1947.

In fact they were presented when DS suggested the idea of forming a new political party to the then National Union, Tamil Union, Muslim League, Mahajana Sabhawa and Sinhala Maha Sabhawa, which was headed by SWRD himself. DS exclaimed, ‘Let’s join as a group and build a single party.’

Accordingly the UNP was formed a new chapter in the political annals of the country was opened. DS too agreed with those proposals, which were approved and accepted at the Sinhala Maha Sabha session in Madampe. But in no time SWRD understood that it was a ploy, a plot to mislead him.

SLFP was still in its infancy, but presented a bold proposals to the other political parties who were united in their opposition to the UNP. The proposal called for a ‘no-contest’ pact between the SLFP and LSSP, Communist Party and Revolutionary Sama Samaja Party. It amounted to an invitation from David the minnow to Goliath the giant.

General election

LSSP which dreamed of forming a Government on its own flatly, rejected the suggestion, comparing it to an offer made by an ageing wretched to a pretty damsel.

What was the result; where did it lead to? The old established LSSP could muster just 9 seats at the general election. But the ‘anti-UNP’ SLFP, unheard and unsung, secured 9 seats. David appeared to had grown up out of proportions to the chagrin of Goliath.

When SLFP was being formed Matale MP Bernard Aluvihare, Dambulla MP H. B. Tenne all avowed UNPers joined the SLFP just before the elections in 1952. Other MPs who were able to preserve their victories achieved in 1952 were C P de Silva of Polonnaruwa, C A S Marikkar of Kadugannawa, S D Bandaranayake of Gampaha, D. A. Rajapaksa of Beliatta, Henry Abeywickrema of Baddegama and C. R. Beligammana of Mawanella. Soon after the general election in 1952, SWRD became the leader of the Opposition. N. M. Perera, former leader of the Opposition, along with the old Marxists agreed with this development.

Dudley’s departure paved the way for Kotelawala to the PM’s mantle. He was iron hearted. He feared neither men nor demons. By 1955, the people were fed up with the UNP and were craving for a new administration to take over reigns of the country.

People were hunting for options they weighed the pros and cons between NM and SWRD, the most outstanding candidates. It was during this period that ethnic and language related problems cropped up.

The Government of the day followed a strange policy towards this issue. To the Northerners they said one thing and to the Southerners they said a totally different thing. LSSP and the Communist Party held fast to the ideology that Tamil and Sinhala should be given equal importance and recognition.

SLFP chartered along a different course, stating that Sinhala should be the official language. SWRD went to the extent of promising to make Sinhala the official language within 24 hours. UNP did not fall behind, but made a similar declaration i.e., Sinhala the Official Language at the historic ‘Kelaniya Sammelanaya’.

Before this event Kotelawala had conferred with JR. Kotelawala was critical of the UNP’s intended stand on the Official Language. He feared UNP’s stand would lead to divisions and difference based not only on language, but caste and creed. JR said, “No way, no alternative other than this, if we are to win the election.” Kotelawala had to make a retreat and fall in line with the party stand.

By this time Philip Gunawardena stood stranded. He had neither the support of the Communist Party nor LSSP, which according to his assumptions had the potential to win elections. He voiced a different language strategy to be accounted among those who attracted attention.

His party, the Revolutionary Sama Samaja Party proposed Tamil as a regional language and Sinhala as the official language. Amidst these developments SWRD endeavoured to assemble all anti-UNP forces under a single umbrella. This served as a god-send opportunity to Philip who had no place to set his foot. Philip joined SWRD. All anti UNP forces and the leftists rallied round SWRD.

Amidst all these developments a further incident took place in July, 1955. ‘Dinamina’ carried a picture of Sir John feasting on a roasted calf at the ‘Barbeque’ (‘Barbeque’ has become a common, everyday event now, but in 1950s it was a privilege reserved for the rich only) was thrown at his birthday party on a day before Poya Day.

This incident hurt the religious sentiments of the majority and raised a hue and cry across the country. It became a hot issue, as strong the language issue during the 1956 election campaign.

The UNP and the way it ran the country irked all people without any difference. Religious leaders, the workers, Government servants, employees in the private sector and the ordinary people were frustrated and were yearning for a way out. Indigenous physicians practising ‘Ayurveda’ received a step-motherly treatment at the hands of the Government.

Pancha Maha Balavegaya

Equal was the plight of the teachers who taught Sinhala. All these people drawn from the different segments of the society yearned to create a country devoid of all racial, religious, status related differences and deviations. These expectations assembled them under the common banner of the Great Five Forces i.e., the Pancha Maha Balavegaya, consisting of the clergy, physicians, teachers, farmers and workers. People like P. B. Alwis Perera, Sagara Palansuriya and T. B. Tennekoon, Somaweera Chandrasiri, too joined SWRD.

They were named and famed poets in the country and they represented the support, emerging from the artists in favour of SWRD.

This development wherein SWRD became the undisputed leader of the ‘Pancha Maha Balavegaya’ sent shock waves through the entire establishment of the UNP. Sir John was shaken to his very bones. R. G. Senanayake, the former Minister for Trade came forward to contest not only Dambadeniya, which was his own fort, but Kelaniya too, which was JR’s stronghold. JR stood mystified. His election campaign appeared to be crumbling under the weight of these developments.

SWRD, propelled by the drive and determination of the ‘Pancha Maha Balavegaya’ plunged himself with full force into the election campaign. People in their numbers, increasing day by day rallied round MEP and SWRD was encouraged; he went around the country; addressed rallies, morning and evening; day and night.

All meetings were well attended by people in their thousands. This development frightened Sir John and he started to play a new tune. “If I win 10 seats, I’ll be the Prime Minister” - this was how he addressed the election meetings.

The election was over and the results were being announced. The curtain raiser was Matale electorate. Nimal Karunatilake, a stranger to Matale - Journalist has won the seat for MEP, by an impressive majority of 2,595 votes. Then came the deluge. Prominent cabinet Ministers turned out to be losers. Minster of Labour M. C. M. Kaleel, Labour Party Leader A. E. Gunasinghe, Colombo Mayor V. A. Sugathadasa had lost Colombo Central seat (Appointed 3 MPs) to M. S. Themis, an ordinary post worker. Minister of Finance M. D. H. Jayawardane had tasted defeat Horana at the hand’s of Sagara Palansuriya (KAS), a poet. Minister of Local Government A. Ratnayake (Wattegama) had been downed by P. B. A. Weerakoon, just a teacher. In like fashion C. A. S. Marikkar, C. R. Beligammana, Sirimewan Godage, J. C. W. (JM) Munasinghe, of MEP had overcome the Minister of Health E. A. Nugawela (Kadugannawa), Minister of Posts N. H. Keertiratne (Mawanella), Minister of Lands D. P. B. Mahadivulwewa Disawa (Anuradhapura), Minister of Trade Sherley Corea (Chilaw) respectively. Speaker Sir Albert F. Peiris lost to Hugh Fernando. Baddegama parliamentarian Henry Amarasuriya lost to Henry, Abeywickrema of MEP. SWRD won his electorate with a thumping majority of 41997 votes. Philip Gunawardena came out with a majority of 22252 votes. Robert Gunawardena of LSSP won Kotte with majority of 14806 votes. Dr. N. M. Perera, the LSSP leader had Ruwanwella in his lap with a majority of 6228 votes. R. G. Senanayake retained his stronghold Dambadeniya with comfortable ease. He outscored his UNP opponent by 24907 votes and the poor fellow had to forgo his deposit too.

Cold War

S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike was sworn in as the Prime Minister and his Cabinet was made up of 14 ministers. April 12, 1956 Phillip Gunawardane, P. H. William Silva and T. B. Illangaratne all from the MAXIST camp were appointed as Ministers. Other side like R. G. Senanayake, Stanley Zoysa, W. Dahanayake, C. P. de Silva, Wimala Wijewardhane, were anti-lefties. The ‘Cold War’, between the rightist and leftist camps in the Cabinet - which remained unobserved, burst out into the open as an outright confrontation in 1959, May. ‘Boralugoda Sinhaya’ - Philip Gunawardane ‘Nishsapda William’ - P. H. William Silva resigned from Ministerial posts. Had the leftist parties - LSSP and Communist Party - came forward to support comrade Philip during his struggle the developments would have been quite different.

The First People’s Revolution in 1956 came to an end on September 26, 1959, after the assassination of ‘Common people’s Prime Minister, Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike.’ The rest is common knowledge.