Remembering Benazir Bhutto
Rajiva WIJESINHA
I was in China when I heard of Benazir Bhutto’s death. I had come
back late at night to my hotel, switched on television while getting
ready for bed, and been jolted into wide awakeness by the awful news. I
was with an English friend from University who also remembered her well,
who had in a sense been responsible for her election as President of the
Union, over the candidate I had favoured. It was not easy, when we met
the next morning at breakfast, to register that we would not see her
again, that enormously vibrant personality who had meant so much to all
those she met, who was cut down when at last her promise seemed about to
be fulfilled.
I wrote about her at length when I got back to Sri Lanka, and I was
to think about her constantly over the year, when her party did so well
in the election, when President Musharraf resigned and her husband took
over, and now when the tragic events in Mumbai remind one again of the
horrors that the sub-continent has undergone, springing from that
initial fatal step of partition on sectarian lines. The cancer of
Kashmir has been a consequence of that, but also the corrosive spillover
of bitterness amongst a few Muslims in India, the even sadder need in
Pakistan to ensure conformity to a particular Islamic identity, when
that was not what Jinnha had intended at all, when he started on the
long journey that culminated in the bloodbath of 1947.
Benazir Bhutto |
Akbar, the poet who first dreamed of Pakistan, had wanted something
else, had wanted what he described as a South Asian Islamic identity,
which he was as distinct from an Arab one.
That was a concept I heard echoed when I was in Iran earlier this
year, an immensely articulate diplomat enunciating the distinction
between his civilisation and that of the Arabs. This, having experienced
just the surface, but what a surface, the art of Delhi and Lahore and
Istanbul and now Isfahan, was a concept I quite understood.
It was not that one or the other was superior, it was just that they
were all different, and each had built, along with a commitment to their
Islamic religious inspiration, a cultural heritage that was distinct,
that took what was best from their pre-Islamic past too, and that was
also prepared to use the input of other cultures and develop their own
distinctive version that belonged to their nations as a whole.
This was what the speakers at the Indo-Lankan seminar had also
stressed, in particular Sudarshan Seneviratne, in noting how the
Sinhalese, not turning their backs on what was admirable in other
cultures, had kept their own evolving, developing Buddhist architecture
that changed over the centuries, absorbing what was admirable in the
various Hindu civilisations that impinged upon it.
I was reminded then of what I had first thought of in Hangzhou when I
heard of Benazir’s death, my first memory of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the
Foreign Minister of General Ayub Khan, known initially for this links
with China.
He was an immensely cosmopolitan man, and this was what we thought of
him in the years in which he was in power and we interacted with Benazir
in Oxford, the sophistication and intelligence.
We knew of course that relations had not been good with India in the
sixties, and had worsened after the fiasco of the West Pakistan response
to the 1970 election, which had led to the creation of Bangladesh after
Indian intervention. But that was all past and, with Benazir in Oxford,
knowing that she had previously been at Harvard, I did not understand
what had taken place in Pakistan in the seventies.
China of course was going through its own turmoil then, before the
prosperous stability that Deng Zhao Peng’s reforms ushered in. Angry
with the West, which he felt had let him down over the creation of
Bangladesh, Bhutto had turned to the Arab countries, especially after
the OPEC revolution of 1974 cemented their enormous financial power. In
the process, he had introduced into Pakistan legislation that Jinnah
would not have thought essential when he accomplished his dream.
But Jinnah had died, and Liaqat Ali Khan had been assassinated, and
democracy had not really taken root in Pakistan. Bhutto himself may have
thought he could control the forces he was prepared to unleash, but in
1977 he too fell victim to the political culture, or lack of it, that
those unfortunate initial deaths in the forties had engendered.
And General Zia, much more devoted to his religion, less sensitive to
cultural pluralism, finding himself initially without much international
support, found himself blessed by the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan
and the characteristically myopic American response to it.
Traumatized by their recent experience in Iran, America put all its
eggs it seems into the Taliban basket, whether propelled into this by
General Zia or otherwise.
The rest is history, or perhaps film as well, as exemplified in
‘Charley Brown’s War’. Though Zia died, and democracy came back, it
could not take root. Benazir found herself constrained in her first
term, loomed over not only by the President (who sacked her
unceremoniously soon enough) but also by Zia’s Foreign Minister who was
not willing to allow the rapprochement with India that she seemed to
crave. When she came back for her second term, she was not as idealistic
as she had been before, and gave more attention to securing her position
than the reforms the country needed.
After she was unceremoniously sacked again, this time by Leghari, the
President she herself had put in place, Nawaz Sharif engaged in his own
methods of securing his position, which led to yet another military
coup.
I am not sure how history will judge Gen Musharraf. I believe he had
a very difficult task, not made easier by the entrenchment of those
forces that Gen Zia had fostered, which the Americans had empowered so
indiscriminately. I believe that he did a better job than he is now
given credit for, but a few blunders last year brought him more
unpopularity than perhaps he deserved. What was unquestionable was that
he needed to share power at least, and I believe he was getting ready
for that. Despite the various ups and downs in the relationship, I
believe that, with Benazir Bhutto as an elected Prime Minister, himself
reduced to a figurehead President, albeit with a strong advisory role,
Pakistan might have struck the balance it so sorely needs.
That was not to be. The forces that eliminated Benazir knew that she
was the best hope for the inclusive stability that has eluded Pakistan
for so long. She had charisma, she had determination and, with Gen
Musharraf supporting her, she might have been able to move into the type
of relationship with India that she had hoped for earlier, and which the
subcontinent needs so desperately. Her husband, I think, would like to
play that role, but he is on his own, and may not be able to assert
himself. Sadly there are forces in Pakistan that distrust India
completely and, though they may have reasons for their beliefs, unless
they overcome them and start working towards building up trust and
respect, even if both countries suffer, it will be Pakistan that suffers
more.
Can Sri Lanka help? Given our present problems, we are not in a
position to influence anyone, but if we overcome them we should perhaps
think of contributing to the region in the way that Mrs. Bandaranaike
did, at the height of our prestige. She was able to command the respect
and the goodwill of all Asian powers, and even now we are unique in
enjoying excellent relations with India and Pakistan, with China and
Iran. Whatever questions these countries may have about their own ties,
clearly in a globalized world it makes sense to cooperate as much as is
possible, and to avoid any attempts to create corrosive suspicions.
Benazir, given her Iranian connections, given her father’s historic
ties to China, given her own perception of the need for working together
with India, would have been able to develop a pan-Asian perspective. It
would be good if Sri Lanka, in its traditional non-aligned role, could
do something to promote that vision.
It would certainly help the world at large, because though there are
still some people in some countries who see life as a zero sum game and
abhor stability elsewhere, all intelligent governments must surely see
that, in the context of current threats to stability, regional
cooperation must be as important as a more principled and effective
world order. |