Eastern Poll:

‘Victory for democracy, defeat for terrorism’

Rajmi MANATUNGE

Hailing from Matara, Transport Minister Dullas Alahapperuma is a product of St. Servatius College and Ananda College, Colombo. He first entered Parliament in 1994 representing the Kamburupitiya electorate and winning the highest number of preferential votes. In 2000, he was appointed Deputy Minister of Cultural and Religious Affairs following which he served as the Deputy Minister of Samurdhi, Rural and Upcountry Development, upon re-election to Parliament in 2000.

Disenchanted with the then party leadership, Alahapperuma refrained from contesting the 2001 General Election and left for the United States for higher studies. However, he returned to politics in 2004 to campaign for the election of Mahinda Rajapaksa to Presidency, and was sworn in as a national list MP in 2005. In 2007, he was appointed Transport Minister. He is also the Deputy Secretary of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). He has also worked as a journalist.

Known as a politician of integrity and one of the few politicians who does not use polythene in his election campaigns, Alahapperuma speaks to the print media after six years on the recent Eastern Provincial Council election and his political life.

The following is the full interview:

Q: The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) emerged victorious in the Eastern provincial Council election concluded last week. As a person who actively campaigned for the UPFA, are you satisfied with the party’s performance at the polls ?

A: Of course. I am immensely satisfied with our achievement at the election. I do not know what meaning you attach to the word ‘victory’. Nonetheless, according to my definition of ‘victory’, I feel greatly triumphant about the outcome of the Eastern PC election as a citizen as well as a politician.

Q: Did you expect to win a greater number of seats in the East than what you actually obtained ?

A: No. Considering the political power the UPFA had and the power it presently wields in that particular area, I see no reason to be dissatisfied about the number of seats we won.

Q: The United National Party (UNP) was able to win the Trincomalee district claiming the highest number of seats therein. Do you view this victory of the UNP as a failure on the part of the UPFA ?

A: Not at all. That is democracy. The UNP’s victory in the Trincomalee district is one vital fact bearing testimony that the Eastern PC poll was held in a free and fair manner.

I told you that I have a different definition to the word ‘victory’ as per the recent election in the East. Let me explain it to you. For most people, ‘victory’ at an election is confined to figures, a head count.

But, when one dissects and analyses the final result, who is the true winner of this election? In my view, all political parties and candidates who contested, and all people who voted at the Eastern PC poll, are winners. Only one person was vanquished at this election, and that is Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Conceptually, democracy was the only winner while terrorism and separatism were the vanquished. I invite the whole country to view the Eastern election in the light of this broader definition. To say that UPFA won over the UNP or that Pillayan defeated Hakeem will therefore be an under-estimation of this important aspect.

Q: What are the Government’s future plans regarding the East, now that democracy has been established in the province ? What is the progress of the ‘Nagenahira Navodaya’ programme?

A: When answering your question, it is first important to identify the reasons behind the UPFA’s victory in the East. In my opinion, the final result of the election was influenced by four main factors.

First, it is clear proof that the Eastern people have unequivocally rejected LTTE separatism and terrorism.

Secondly, it indicates that the people have accepted the programme proposed by the Government for the development of the East. The UNP had no such development or any other programme for the province.

Thirdly, the victory was a mark of respect for the UPFA candidate list which reflected unity among the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim brethren. Fourthly, this victory is reflective of the people’s plea to take democracy, which has now dawned in the East, further to the Northern province.

You asked whether we plan to continue the ‘Nagenahira Navodaya’ programme. Definitely we will, and that is because it is a very scientific programme which takes development to each Grama Niladhari division and each district of the Eastern province. It is a systematic and comprehensive programme with specified time frames, formulated by experts in the relevant fields.

MP Basil Rajapaksa leads this development drive with a great deal of zeal and commitment. Therefore, the Government has no right to discontinue ‘Nagenahira Navodaya’ even if it wants to do so, and even if a party other than the UPFA came to power in the East.

Q: Could you elaborate on the specific development projects that are on the cards for the East ?

A: What is on fast track in the East these days are infrastructure development projects launched under the ‘Nagenahira Navodaya’. As a result of these mega projects, people in the East for whom electricity was a luxury are now enjoying its. Today they travel on carpeted roads, live under tiled roofs and send their children to well-equipped schools.

After 15 years, there are public transport services in the province. As Transport Minister, I have provided over 100 buses to the Eastern province alone. Similar developments are taking place in the health and agriculture sectors. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration say that the infrastructure in the East is developing at a speed that is enviable even to the South.

Q: There have been a number of media reports about a tussle between M.L.A.M. Hisbullah and TMVP Leader Pillayan, both of whom contested on the UPFA ticket, regarding the Chief Minister position in the Eastern Provincial Council. What is the party’s position on this matter ?

A: There is no change in the party’s position as to who should be the Chief Minister. We will stick to the agreement reached prior to the polls that the party which obtains the highest number of seats will be able to nominate the Chief Minister. According to the results, that party is the TMVP which obtained six seats.

In my view, this issue about the Chief Minister position is no more important than the ha-ho created about Ranil Wickremesinghe’s helicopter during the election. The question one should ask is as to what made conditions conducive for holding elections in the East.

Clearly, it was Karuna and Pillayan’s breakaway from the LTTE and their decision to enter the democratic process on one hand, and the bravery of our Armed Forces on the other hand which made this possible. Besides, Pillayan has clearly stated to the media that his sole interest is to serve the people of the East rather than becoming the Chief Minister.

Therefore, I request persons who try to overblow this issue not to create an unwanted problem. This is not an issue about the Chief Minister, but one that concerns the country’s future.

The Eastern province is the most unique part of this country constituting equal proportions of Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim citizens and bearing immense historical, geographical, social and political value. Consequently, no other area of the country is as special as the Eastern province. As a result, the message emerging from the East is felt by the entire country as well as the world.

There is no need to create complications regarding the Chief Ministership. The President will make that decision according to democratic values and in a way that honours the establishment of democracy in the East.

This decision should send a message especially to the North where a segment of own people are deprived of democracy. Therefore, what I have to request from everybody, including the 35 members who were elected to the Eastern Provincial Council, is to look at the broader picture without dwelling on such primary issues.

Q: The fact that Pillayan and his group were bearing arms at the time of the election was a main concern raised by some political parties. Now that they have entered the democratic process, will the Government take steps to ensure their disarmament ?

A: Here we should take into account the history of Pillayan and the TMVP. They were members of a terrorist organisation. But, do not view all the TMVP candidates as sharing this common history. The TMVP group who contested this election included the former District Secretary of the Batticaloa district, doctors and engineers. Yet, it is true that the TMVP leadership were members of the LTTE.

However, the question to be asked at this point is whether a group which was part of a terrorist organisation does not have the freedom to enter the democratic path. The same allegation was levelled at Douglas Devananda when he contested the 1988 election.

But, today after 20 years, it is Devananda who represents the democratic mandate of the people in the North. PLOTE Leader Siddharthan who is a prominent Tamil politician was also labelled a terrorist when he entered the democratic process in 88/89. Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP Suresh Premachandran was a one time member of the EPRLF.

Therefore, this categorisation is incorrect. Members of a terrorist organisation have the right to reject terrorism and swim to the other shore. We have to respect that right. This is the case in other countries as well. During last month’s Nepali general election which the Maoist guerillas contested, the then Nepali Prime Minister Koirala never accused the rebel leader Prachanda of being a terrorist at one time.

In Ireland, look at Sinn Fein Leader Gerry Adams, and in the Philippines, look at the Muslim guerilla leader of the Mindanao islands who is today the Governor there. Look at Robert Mugabe. I can give you a score of examples as to how armed groups have embraced democratic values throughout history.

Therefore, we have to understand Pillayan and his group during this transitional period. One must not be hypocritical merely to please one’s political leadership. I can give you a fine example of this kind of political hypocrisy. During the last Presidential election, the UNP tried to take the honour of breaking Karuna away from the LTTE. But, UNP MP Ali Saheer Mawlana who brought Karuna to Colombo had to ultimately leave the country as a result. Today, he lives as a refugee in the United States.

The same UNP which attempted to take the honour of breaking Karuna, Pillayan from the LTTE is now pointing fingers at Pillayan. It is because of this kind of political hypocrisy of our Blue, Green and Red political leaders that our country is facing the present unfortunate situation. Therefore, I call upon UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to join hands in inviting Prabhakaran to follow Pillayan if he cares about the future of at least his family.

Q: But, does the Pillayan group have a right to bear arms even after swimming to the ‘other shore’?

A: No. Today Pillayan has become a politician. If we provided him security before the election, the same ‘gentlemen’ who point finger at Pillayan will accuse us of giving STF security to a terrorist.

However, now that Pillayan has become a Provincial Council Member we are bound to provide him protection, just as we have given police security to recently elected Batticaloa Mayor Sivageetha Prabhakaran and all the UNP, SLFP, TNA MPs. Pillayan has the right and the privilege to ask for security now.

Q: The Government has declared that the Eastern Provincial Council will be entitled to exercise all powers vested on provincial councils by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, including police and land powers. Does this mean that the Government regards the provincial councils system as the solution for the national problem ?

A: The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka is 30 years old. During these 30 years, six leaders, namely Sirimavo Bandaranaike, J.R. Jayawardene, R. Premadasa, D.B. Wijetunga and Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe, held numerous discussions, signed ceasefire agreements, and tried various other steps to solve this problem.

But, remember that the Eastern Provincial Councils election which was concluded last week was the first ever practical step taken towards solving the ethnic conflict. With this election, the Tamil people of this country became true partners of governance for the first time in history.

The practice that was adopted by all Governments so far in the name of giving political power to Tamils was finding a Tamil friend of theirs and offering him a ministerial portfolio. Accordingly, the SLFP governments found some persons and made them Ministers. The UNP did the same thing, claiming that they have made Tamils partners in governance.

But who were these gentlemen ? Some of them could not even speak Tamil. They were not representatives of the Tamil culture, but Tamil capitalist representatives. They were personal friends of Sinhala leaders who did know the culture in Jaffna.

Therefore, this is the first time in history that Tamil-speaking representatives of the Tamil cultural land are having a say in governing the country. It is the first practical step towards solving the ethnic conflict.

The Eastern provincial council is the most honourable provincial council in the country. Though the youngest in the family of provincial councils, it has the honour, attraction and responsibility attached to being an elder of this family. Today the whole country is watching the behaviour of this provincial council.

In my opinion, it is our responsibility to look after and foster it like a child, since it is through the Eastern provincial council that we could show the country and the world that the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people could actually live in harmony.

Q: The UNP has stated that it will take legal action against alleged polls rigging in the East. What do you have to say about these allegations ?

A: Violence has always been part of Sri Lankan elections. There were four instances in our history when election rigging and violence took place in a ‘wholesale’ manner. These were: the 1981 Development Committee elections where thugs sent from Colombo burnt ballot boxes in Jaffna thus destroying the last hope of democracy of the Jaffna youth, the 1982 Referendum which is recorded as the worst election in history by the Elections Secretariat, the Mahara by-election which Vijaya Kumaratunga contested with Ranil Wickremesinghe as his opponent and the Wayamba provincial council election.

The first three of these elections were held under UNP administrations, Ranil Wickremesinghe being a member of all three governments. The fourth was held under President Kumaratunga when I myself was a member of the Government. Today some try to equate the Eastern polls with the Wayamba election. But, when compared with those four black marks in election history, only a few minor incidents have taken place in the East.

We cannot reject that certain minor incidents have occurred during the election. Some of our own politicians have misbehaved and out of over 1,000 polling stations, some untoward incidents have taken place in 20 polling stations. The law has to be enforced against the culprits of these incidents. But, both the election monitors and the Elections Commissioner have stated that these minor incidents did not affect the final result of the election.

Then why does the UNP create such a clamour over this ? It is because the UNP leadership is using these allegations to cover up its defeat and to face the rebellion that is brewing against him within his own party. Today, S.B. Dissanayake has told newspapers that the UNP would not have lost this election if he was in charge of the election campaign.

Why did the UNP lose this election? I think their defeat was due to five reasons. First, Rauf Hakeem directly represented Muslim nationalism. He went to Muslim villages and publicly asked people to appoint a Muslim as Chief Minister of the East, to the offence of the Sinhalese and Tamils of the area.

Secondly, the connection between the LTTE and the UNP was revealed on May 7 when TNA MP Mavai Senathiraja asked the public to support the UNP and defeat the UPFA. It was only if the UPFA was defeated that they could re-merge the North and the East, and realise Prabhakaran’s dream. The third reason was the violence the LTTE unleashed in the Ampara, Damana and Trincomalee the night before and on the day of the election thus terrorising voters.

The fourth reason for the UNP’s defeat was their failure to present a comprehensive program for the East, unlike the UPFA. Finally, we asked the people of the East to vote for the UPFA as a tribute to our heroes who laid their lives to liberate the East.

The people whose loved ones were massacred in the Kaththankudi church, in Bakkiella, Damana, Mollipathana and Ampara realised that, to vote for the UNP which stifled our forces and gave the North and the East to the LTTE by a truce, will be a betrayal of the sacrifice made by those heroes.

It was these reasons that sealed the UNP’s defeat. We have to sympathise with Ranil Wickremesinghe because he will now have to face a rebellion within his own party. That rebellion has already surfaced, as is clear from the statement of S.B. Dissanayake.

Q: What are the Government’s plans for the Northern province?

A: Today, a part of our country is deprived of democracy, and establishing democracy in the North and providing the Northern people their democratic rights is the foremost priority in the Government’s agenda for the North.

Freedom is the number one need of both human beings and animals, surpassing other basic needs like food, drink and housing. On the other hand, many places in the North destroyed by the Tsunami are still not rebuilt or rehabilitated. Development of the North will therefore be the next task of the Government.

Q: At one time, you distanced yourself from politics. What was the cause of that, and what made you come back to politics after several years ?

A: The SLFP leadership at the time I moved away from politics was ignoring the people’s will. There was no democracy within the party. Nor were the people who strived for the party’s well-being given their deserving place.

As a result of my criticism and disappointment at that situation, I decided to leave. However, I did not resign from politics. It was the expectation and belief that I could do some service to the country, and my faith in President Mahinda Rajapaksa that made me return to politics.

Q: You always talk about honesty and de-politicisation of Government institutions. Do you believe that it is possible to be a successful politician without thuggery, nepotism and other hallmarks of Sri Lankan politics?

A: Definitely. If a majority of people in this country accept that politics should be free of thuggery and other evils, a person who acts accordingly should be able to be a successful politician. I believe that most Sri Lankans like white characters and want their politicians to have clean hands. Therefore, it is definitely possible.

Q: Turning to your role as Transport Minister, what were the main challenges you identified in the transport sector when you assumed duty and are you satisfied with what you have done so far ?

A: It was at a time the public transport of this country had deteriorated to the worst level that President Mahinda Rajapaksa entrusted the transport sector to me. In my belief, only six per cent of the Sri Lankan population have a two or four wheel vehicle of their own.

The remaining 94 per cent depend on public transport, and as Transport Minister, I consider it my responsibility to make sure that their transport needs are well looked after. I look at the transport sector in this broader view without concentrating my efforts on uplifting the CTB or the Railways Department.

Q: How do you ensure transparency and accountability in large-scale transport tenders?

A: Yes. Corruption has at all times been rampant in the Transport Ministry. It is a place where people even went to the extent of making profit by selling old sleepers and rails. I have taken the Ministry out of this mess. As for myself, I can give you the assurance that upto today I have not even bought a soft drink from the Ministry’s money.

I am not saying that corruption is non-existent. But, by setting an example to my employees and taking steps against corruption I have ensured transparency to a great extent. This is my 15th month as Transport Minister. Though there have been shortcomings, I am satisfied that we were able to lay a strong foundation for a good public transport sector during this period.

In my view, the transport problem in Sri Lanka is as serious as the national problem. However, I am confident that I could provide a solution for this problem. I also believe that my team, ranging from the transport experts to the common labourers, has the honesty and courage required to reach that objective.