Kotelawala placed Sri Lanka on the world map
Colombo Diary by P.K.Balachandran
HISTORY: One of the unrecognised aspects of post-colonial, Asia's
movement towards unity and towards acquiring a voice in world affairs,
is the significant contribution made by Sir John Kotelawala, Prime
Minister of Ceylon in the early 1950s. Kotelawala had struck a balance
between opposition to Western neo colonialism and opposition to the
emerging Communist imperialistic threat.
Sure enough, this was not the most popular or acceptable line, given
the aura that the Soviet-Red Chinese line had in the eyes of leaders of
States just emerging from long periods of Western capitalist and
imperialist domination.
But Kotelawala succeeded in getting his Asian colleagues to see the
wisdom that lay in his 'middle path'.
Later developments showed how right he was about communism, when
communism collapsed in its own bastions.
Need for Asian unity
After the folding up of the British, Dutch and French empires, and
the collapse of the short-lived Japanese hegemony in Asia in the middle
and late 1940s, the newly established States were concerned with two
things:
* Governing themselves independently and developing their backward
economies;
* Forging an alliance to further their collective interest in the
emerging world, which posed new threats, and to acquire a voice in the
re-shaping of the new World Order.
The new threats came from two quarters: Western neo-colonialism on
the one hand, and Eastern communist totalitarianism and subversive
expansionism on the other. Pandit Nehru, the Prime Minister of India,
being the most international of the new Asian leaders, was the first to
realise the need for Asian unity.
He organised the Asian Relations Conference at New Delhi in
March-April 1947, even before India became officially independent.
Other Asian leaders took the cue and a series of conferences was held
in various parts of Asia, such as Colombo in Ceylon, and Bogor and
Bandung in Indonesia.
The man behind the Colombo conference, held in 1954, was the then
Ceylonese Prime Minister, Sir John Kotelawala.
Significantly, unlike Nehru, Kotelawala did not fancy a large
conference. He was for a small one where selected leaders could talk to
each other, in-depth, in an informal atmosphere about their common
problems.
He did not even believe in a pre-determined agenda.
This was an entirely new way of conducting international relations.
"It was a very congenial idea for me, because I had been a life long
believer in the efficacy of talking things over informally and as
friends round a table, and I thought I would try to get my colleagues of
the countries nearer home together for an informal discussion of matters
of common interest," Kotelawala wrote in his book An Asian Prime
Minister's Story (George G Harrap and Co, London, 1956).
His original proposal was to confine the conference to Burma, Ceylon,
India and Pakistan, all close neighbours with a shared culture and a
shared political inheritance from the British Empire. But soon, it was
suggested that another new country, Indonesia, might be included because
it shared the culture of the South Asian Four.
There were enquiries from other countries too.
"But I had to explain to them that we were confining ourselves to a
neighbour's group, and that the special purpose of the meeting would be
lost if we went farther afield," Kotelawala said.
Almost anticipating SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional
Co-operation) which came into being in 1985, Kotelawala and his cohorts
decided that only common issues would be discussed at their meetings and
that contentious bilateral issues should be avoided.
Kotelawala described this as a "wise" decision and said that the
Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan and the Indo-Ceylon conflict
over Indian immigrants were not taken up for discussion.
The conference discussed "broad and universal" issues such as
Indo-China, the hydrogen bomb, colonialism and racialism, international
communism and economic cooperation in South-East Asia.
And this helped drew world attention to the Colombo conference, he
observed.
Importance of Colombo conclave
The Colombo conference acquired more importance than its organiser
imagined because of the international context in which it was held.
At that time, Indo-China, a French administered South East Asian
region comprising Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, was trying to free itself
from French rule even as it was plagued by a communist insurgency.
"The war in Indo-China had reached a stage at which it was imperative
it be stopped unless the Powers involved were prepared to run the risk
of precipitating a third world war," Kotelawala wrote.
"When the Asian Prime Ministers met in Colombo the Geneva Conference
was discussing the possibilities of a settlement in Indo-China and other
Far Eastern problems."
"The deliberations and decisions of five leaders in Asia had a great
influence in making final the settlement reached in Geneva," Kotelawala
noted. "Five nations with populations totalling more than 500,000,000,
were to make it clear that the only scheme to ensure peace in Asia would
be one formulated or approved by the leaders of Free Asian countries."
"What was wrong about SEATO (the American sponsored South East Asia
Treaty Organisation) was that the opinion of Free Asia had not been
sought in regard to the troubles in Vietnam and Korea." "The Colombo
Conference was going to demonstrate to the world that the people of Asia
knew what was good for them.
Our future lay in the direction of peaceful development of our
immense resources of men, land, and material, and not in the dissipation
of our strength and our slender financial resources in a catastrophe
that might engulf us and extinguish our hard-won freedom," Kotelawala
wrote.
"If we failed, Asia's security and freedom would be considered of no
consequence in the global strategy of two power-blocs," he warned.
At the opening session of the Colombo conclave, Kotelawala struck a
note of urgency.
"Time is running short, and with the pressures that are developing
all around us, we shall have to do something as a matter of urgency, if
we are not to be submerged in a world conflict that seems dangerously
near."
The Ceylon Premier did not want the conference to degenerate into a
forum for platitudes and propaganda.
Fortunately, it was serious business, and it was heartening to be
told that the Big Powers deliberating on Indo-China sitting in Geneva,
had asked for a full report on the recommendations of the Colombo
conclave.
Eventually, its call for ceasefire was heeded by both the Western
Powers and Red China. Those assembled in Geneva invited the 'Colombo
Powers' to set up a South East Asian body, which would supervise an
interim administration in Indo-China.
"Our lack of any direct political and commercial interest in
Indo-China made us the most acceptable choice for the proposed
supervision," Kotelewala explained. He was congratulated for placing
this idea before world opinion.
Since the world had just entered the age of nuclear weapons,
especially the hydrogen bomb, the Colombo conference sought more
information on the "destructive capabilities, and the known and probably
disastrous effects of these weapons," so that there could be a search
for an agreed solution to the "grave problem that threatens humanity."
Divided over threat from communism
Of all the Prime Ministers assembled at Colombo, Kotelawala was the
keenest on a strong statement on the threat from communism.
"I am an avowed and inveterate opponent of Communism," Kotelawala
declared in his book.
He had more than ideological reasons for this attitude. His main
opponents in Ceylonese politics were Marxists of various hues, who kept
instigating strikes to bring down his government, and trying to brand
him an American and neo-imperialist stooge in an era when the popular
cry was 'Yankees Go Home!' But Kotelawala made it clear that he was not
against acceptance of communism by free choice.
What he was against was communism, which had been thrust on a people
in an "insidious, subversive, traitorous and imperialist" way.
"I was therefore particularly anxious to secure a declaration on
international Communism, but although everyone was agreed as to the
sentiment, there was difficulty about the formulation, because it was
felt by some that Communism was not the only external influence that
deserved to be kept out."
In the discussion on communism "tempers were short and nerves
frayed."
At one stage, one of the Premiers lost control of himself, banged the
table and shouted at another, "You are nothing better than an American
stooge!"
To which, the other retorted with equal heat, "And you are nothing
better than a Russian stooge!" Kotelawala did not identify the Prime
Ministers, but it is likely that they were Nehru of India, and Mohammad
Ali of Pakistan.
Pakistan had joined the anti-communist and US-inspired South East
Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and the Central Treaty Organisation
(CENTO), while India considered these to be antithetical to peace.
With matters getting out of control, Kotelawala as the chairman,
stepped in, to bring order. But he too exploded!
"I lost my own temper as Chairman, and exploded. I shouted at them to
stop bickering and behave themselves. I asked them to remember that we
were Prime Ministers."
"The two statement I rebuked came to their senses at once, and both
apologised to me," he wrote. Ultimately, Kotelawala had his way on
communism, more or less.
Thrashed out mainly by Ceylon's Finance Minister Sir Oliver
Goonetilleke, a natural diplomat, the Joint Communique was mild in tone
and broad in its scope, but said what Kotelawala wanted it to say.
"The subject of Communism in its national and international aspects
was generally discussed and the Prime Ministers made known to each other
their respective views and attitudes towards Communist ideologies," it
said.
"The Prime Ministers affirmed their faith in democracy and democratic
institutions and, being resolved to preserve in their respective
countries the freedoms inherent in the democratic system, declared their
unshakable determination to resist interference in the affairs of their
countries by external Communist and anti-Communist or other agencies."
"They were convinced that such interference threatened the
sovereignty, security and political independence of their respective
States and the right of each country to develop and progress in
accordance with the conceptions and desires of its own people."
Against sterile neutrality
Kotelawala was against clinical and sterile neutrality between the
communist and democratic worlds.
He allowed American Globemaster aircraft, carrying French troops to
Indo-China, to use Colombo airport, even as this raised a storm in
Ceylon itself.
The then powerful leftists were protesting loudly.
"My answer was that it would have been unreasonable at that moment,
before a ceasefire had been declared in Indo-China, to deter one outside
party from giving aid to the belligerents without any guarantee that the
other party would not do the same."
"To do that would have been to increase the advantage of one side
against the other," he argued. "And I saw no purpose in being neutral
for the benefit of the wrong party," he said. Not a cat's paw of the
Americans either.
Kotelawala took great pains to drive home the point that, while being
"ready to join the Devil to fight Communism" he was not a cat's paw of
the Western Powers.
"I was alive to the danger of Ceylon's becoming a cat's paw of a
Western Power which wished to promote its own interests, regardless of
Asian opinion."
"If Ceylon chose to co-operate with the devil in fighting Communism,
it should not be on the devil's terms but on our own," he affirmed.
Referring to the charge that he was having a secret deal with the
Americans by which Ceylon would get US aid in return for joining America
in its crusade against Red China, Kotelawala said that there was no
secret deal at all.
Ceylon was not seeking American aid, nor had America offered aid, he
clarified. He would not "think of selling Ceylon for dollars."
A quintessential pragmatist, Kotelewala said that any decision on the
continuation of the Sino-Ceylon Rubber for Rice Deal would be made on
commercial and pragmatic considerations and not on ideological grounds.
Kotelawala's proposed official visit to the United States had also
become controversial, with fears that he might take dictation from
President Eisenhower.
A kinsman and cabinet colleague, RG Senanayake, Minister of Commerce,
even resigned citing this as one of the reasons for his quitting.
Kotelawala eventually went to the United States assuring that he
"would not behave like an infant" while in the White House.
Regard for national honour
Kotelawala was acutely aware of the need to safeguard Ceylon's
national pride and would spring to its defense unhesitatingly, however
well known and strong the challenger was.
At the Bandung conference in 1955, Kotelawala spoke of the dangers
from aggressive international communism, undeterred by the fact that he
was seated next to the Communist Chinese Premier Chou-En-Lai.
Stung by it, Chou sought and got the right to reply, and, as a
result, the atmosphere became "electric".
Chou asked Kotelawala why he had said what he did, and whether it was
his intention to break up the Conference.
Kotelawala, in turn, asked if it was Chou's intention to break it,
because, if Chou had not entered his protest and shown such evident
feeling, the session would have ended tamely. Chou's good humour was
restored. But Nehru came up to Kotelawala and asked him in some heat:
"Why did you do that, Sir John? Why did you not show me your speech
before you made it?"
Kotelawala shot back: "Why should I? Do you show me yours before you
make them?" However, the incident did not spoil the excellent
relationship between the two leaders.
"Nehru and I are the best of friends. I have the highest regard for
him, and especially for his disinterestedness in all he says and does,
and the incident was as quickly forgotten by him as it was by me,"
Kotelawala wrote. But the intrepid Premier's troubles were not over.
Back home, the Leftists introduced a No Confidence Motion against him in
Parliament for his "unpatriotic" pro-West and anti-communist speech in
Bandung. But he weathered this storm too.
Kotelawala, stood for Ceylon's rights. But he was not greedy and
unfair. When the Geneva conference on Indo-China appointed a Supervisory
Commission, it included only India from among the five Colombo Powers.
Nehru was too embarrassed to take it, but Kotelawala said he had no
objection if India accepted the nomination because his main aim had been
achieved.
"The voice of Asia had been heard and heeded." Likewise, when Ceylon
could well have sought and got war reparations from Japan, Kotelawala
said that he did not want inflict on a defeated Japan that had got more
blows already.
(P.K. Balachandran is a Special Correspondent of Hindustan Times in
Sri Lanka) |