Not quite a Jihad
By Hana Ibrahim
He who makes himself a worm cannot complain if others trample upon
him. The phrase used by a noted Islamic scholar to explain the
significance of Jihad in the context of a Muslim not being a pacifist,
comes to mind as one ponders the significance of the agitation by Muslim
politicians and non-political organisations for the inclusion of a
separate Muslim delegation at the peace talks.
Not that their agitation should be construed as Jihad, which
according to Lane's Arabic-English dictionary means 'the using or
exerting of one's utmost power, efforts, endeavours, or ability in
contending with an object of disapprobation'.
But to sit quietly, allow events to continue as they are and accept
the non-inclusion of a separate Muslim delegation at the peace talks
tantamount to 'allowing others to trample upon him'. And it is
especially so, given the current situation in the east, where the Muslim
community, though not party to the conflict are drawn into it by the
magnitude of the violence directed at them.
So we had SLMC Leader Rauff Hakeem taking up the issue with
International Development Minister and Norwegian special envoy to the
Sri Lanka peace process, Erick Solheim. So we had the Muslim Council of
Sri Lanka, the umbrella organisation of some 58 civic bodies writing to
President Mahinda Rajapakse, expressing its disappointment over the
rejection of a Muslim delegation and urging that the President intervene
in ensuring the legitimate rights of the Muslim community by including a
Muslim delegation in any future peace talks. And so we had the Muslim
National Alliance (MNA) launching a campaign to collect a hundred
thousand signatures on a petition to demand that the Muslim community be
included as a separate body in future peace talks.
We also had Muslim Parliamentarians Forum headed by Minister Fowzi
making noises in a similar refrain, and a delegation even meeting the
JVPers to remind them about their pre-election pledge to the Muslim
community and urge them to use their coalition clout to convince the
President to change his stance.
Their agitation gained credence as including a Muslim delegation in
the peace talk was a key condition in the Tokyo Declaration and a series
of agreements reached in Wanni and in London, in April and September
2002 and Thailand in January 2003.
And the President's refusal to consider a separate Muslim delegation
on the grounds that it would set precedence for other minorities and
even the Sinhala majority for inclusion was being viewed, not without
reason, as a refusal to treat the Muslims as a community with equal
rights.
All stressed that if confidence is to be restored and if the Muslim
community is to support the process continuously, those with authority
should see that basic rights of the Muslims are honoured when peace
talks resume.
The power of the collective approach! Though the various groups
voiced their protests individually, the unified tone saw the President
back tracking somewhat from his initial stance, and on Tuesday assured a
delegation of the All Ceylon Muslim Congress - a breakaway group of the
SLMC, that he would make room for Muslim representation at future peace
talks and that no discrimination would be allowed against Muslim people
or any other community in working out an 'honourable peace'.
He also announced that a branch of the North East Provincial Chief
Secretarie's office would be set up at a suitable location in Ampara for
the benefit of the Muslim people.
Whether the presidential assurance meets with the demand for a
separate delegation is moot at this point. For half of something is
better than nothing, and being represented by an individual or a group,
matters naught, when it is representation that counts.
The Muslim community, who lost out in the North, is a significant
game player in the East, and if another exodus of the displaced is to be
avoided, it makes sense that Muslims be given their due allocation in a
power sharing scheme in any settlement.
Not being given an equal status in the peace talks would have
deprived the community of that option, placing them in danger of
becoming metaphorical worms 'for others to trample upon', meaning, being
compelled to abide by decision that may not be equitable and place them
in a position of helplessness. And, in a
volatile world, who knows what would happen should the worm decide to
turn.
Hopefully that is not something we have to contemplate on now.
No more Danish cookies
Forget those Danish cookies and anything else that is made in
Denmark. Can one in all good conscience enjoy anything manufactured by a
nation that has no respect for a beloved prophet? That seems to be the
current thought pattern in the Muslim world, crying foul over a cartoon
strip, featured in the Jyllands-Posten, Denmark's mass circulation
daily, caricaturing Prophet Mohammed. Adding insult to injury, the
cartoons, one of them depicting the Prophet as wearing a turban shaped
like a bomb, was reproduced in a Norwegian magazine.
Freedom of expression notwithstanding, the misplaced sense of cartoon
satire has triggered a diplomatic crisis and massive protests across the
Muslim world, with Saudi Arabia recalling its ambassador to Denmark,
Libya closing down its representative office in Copenhagen, Palestinians
raiding an EU office in Gaza and an Iraqi group demanded attacks be
instigated against Danish targets.
The scandal has also proved costly for Denmark with the Arab world,
including Egypt, Syria and Bahrain boycotting Danish products. Not to be
left out, Sri Lankan Muslims have also got into the fray, calling for a
boycott of all Danish products.
What are the Danish products available in the local market? Moot
point. But what's interesting is the Danish government's defence of the
freedom of expression and its refusal to use its clout to bring the
newspaper to task, never mind the affront to religious sensibilities and
never mind the economic consequence.
Interestingly the newspaper has not apologised for publishing the
drawings, and a majority of Danes believe their government and media
should not apologise for the jibes. |