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Today is Binara Pasalosvaka Poya

Contemporary Theravada and women
 

IT IS interesting to look at the relationship between the contemporary Theravada and women. Theras mean the 'elders' or the monks. Therefore, Theravada by definition has been against women.

It difficult to understand how and why this developed so. Perhaps, Hindu social and patriarchal hierarchy must have had a big impact on the Theravada institutions as was the case with the caste system within the Theravada society.

Even today the chief monks are explicitly against giving the political and spiritual equality to the Buddhist nuns. Higher ordination has become a big political issue for the nuns at the moment. Monks are against the idea of nuns' getting it.

Recently, when an international Buddhist women's congress was convened in Colombo, on the insistence of the monks the government gave them permission to hold the meeting only on the categorically positive and express condition that "not a word about the higher ordination should be mentioned during the conference".

Of course, in some temples, educational facilities have been given to nuns, but it is always strictly under the patronage of the monks. They do not have an independent educational facilities on their own.

Nuns say that the monks resent them because the monks are scared of the potential social and spiritual powers of the nuns.

This could well be true. Many locals believe that the nuns have more religiosity in them than the monks. In religious practice, they really do present a striking contrast to the monks. Their lives are more simple and humble.

To invite the monks for ritual ceremonies is an expensive business, while nuns are totally affordable to the locals. They are closer to the poor, partly because they are also poor. They have a more integrated lifestyle with the local village population. But due to the general social neglect, they are not well organized.

Therefore, undesirable characters sometimes camouflage as nuns and this has brought much disrepute to the order of nuns. And some people and monks have taken this as an excuse to sabotage the nuns' cause. Ironically enough, their institutionally neglected nature makes their institution further degenerated thus adding more fuel to the anti-nuns movement.

Theravada has really been guilty of being anti-women. The situation of Buddhist nuns is more deplorable in Thailand, where they are highly discriminated against. Thailand also is a country that has been deeply influenced by Hinduism.

Not only with regard to women, but also with regard to many other things Theravada has shown a markedly narrow and parochial attitudes. One is its cohabitation with the caste system, specifically in the order of monks. For this reason, among many others, I have criticized Theravada as anti-Buddhist in institutional practice.

Fortunately enough, the situation of the Mahayana nuns is very heart warming. Singaporean and Korean nuns are nearly on a par with the monks there. In some situations, the nuns' institutions are politically, socially and financially more powerful than those of the monks.

There is one aspect of Buddhism that should draw the attention of the Feminists. Buddhism is a religion that has the least emphasis on rituals. There is not a single ritual in Buddhism that is absolutely obligatory.

The Diamond Sutra represents the classic statement of this principle. It demonstrates dramatically that the greatest possible ritual is not worth a two pence in the face of an instance of actual realization of the Dhamma.

Though Buddhists do socially practice many types of rituals, perhaps, the only ritual that is treated as traditionally obligatory is the funeral ritual.

But even that could be substituted with an act of charity. Buddhism talks about the 'Transference of Merit' to the dead. If this is literally possible, then Buddhism could be talking about magic, because merit is something that one has to earn by oneself. It is interesting to figure out what really happens here.

The word used in the doctrine as well as in practice is "Punyanumodana" (Punya=merit; anu=along with or accordingly; modana=sympathetic joy or 'mudita').

It is a clever way to 'transfer' merit. What happens here is that when the dead person sees the ceremony done on her/his behalf, 'mudita' or sympathetic joy, one of the four sublime virtues in Buddhism, gets generated in that person's mind. That generates merits for the person.

Actually, that person is generating merit by him/herself. What we do here is to act out an event to create an occasion to activate the necessary mind-set conducive to the generation of mudita.

Universally speaking, Buddhism has only a very few obligatory religious festivals. Perhaps there is only one such, and that is the Vaisakha (or Vesak, in Sinhala), generally held on the full moon day of May, the day when the Sidhartha Gauthama was born, attained enlightenment and passed away.

It is interesting to note that it is not culinary at all, but strictly religious: going to the temple, listening to the Dhamma and engaging in charity. The big celebrating events is the lighting of the oil lamps and lanterns.

It is significant to concentrate a little on the philosophy of the Vesak lantern. Though made out of tissue paper and bamboo, they have a phenomenal visual effect. Candles being lighted inside, they are liable to go up in flames any moment.

The whole structure is really hollow. The Buddha said that life is like a flame.

I remember in my childhood, when the old ladies who had assembled to the village temple to listen to the proceedings at night, were going around replacing burning out candles, came across lanterns that caught fire and were then burning, used to say "anicce, dukkhe, anatte" (impermanent, suffering and no-soul).

Attribution of wisdom and motherhood to women has been sometimes seen as actually fostering the denigration of women by shutting them up, pushing them up to a House of Lords. The critics say that those ideals are not at all put into practice in active social context.

On the other hand, it may be that women often play an active and decisive role inside the family. Therefore, as a revenge, they are being punished institutionally, by not giving them any prominent place in the social set up.

The Hindu theory is that women are a kind of wild creatures set up to ensnare men, and produce and propagate, consciously or unconsciously, more and more species. They see women as co-operating in the task of the Sexual Imperative.

The interesting problem here is that women may be genetically programmed to play this behaviour role as their natural propensity and that drags them towards the professions of sex models and sex objects. I think that because of these situations, the wisdom aspect gets hidden and women get into a convoluted political situation.

Another point to consider is that sometimes some women say that they do not need the institutional power. In some sense, there is an important truth here. When our Buddhist nuns say that it was the 'institutions' that led the order of monks to degeneration, they are making an important point.

But in society in general, women undergo lots of suffering and disadvantages mainly because they do not have institutional power. One reason for their failure in this regard may be due to the fact that they try to play the part of being 'objects' in the game of patriarchy, by transforming themselves into attractive commodities through techniques like provocatively beautifying their bodies.

Therefore, a real women's liberation will necessarily involve a transcendence of the dictatorship imposed by the Sexual Imperative.

According to the Buddhist theory of the origin of the society, as explained in the Agganna Sutta of the Digha Nikaya, it is the feeling of sex that differentiated the humans into sexes and thereby led to the degeneracy of the human situation.

The a-sexual nature and status have to be regained through the transcendence of the sexual imperative, and that would lead to the liberation of men as well.

Excerpts of the essay "Buddhism as the greatest ally of feminism" by Gunapala Dharmasiri, published in Recent researches in Buddhist Studies.


Among the ancient arama
 

ACCORDING to the Ven. Sri Rahula, by the first century BC the basis of the Sasana was declared to be learning and the vocation of books rather than the vocation of practice.

The writing of the Tripitaka scriptures, followed by the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa chronicles, was an affirmation of this.


Arhant bhikkhu Maliyadeva lived in this cave temple at Arankele forest dwelling at Ibbagamuwa, Kurunegala

And by the 6th century AD village and town dwelling monks (gamavasi and nagaravasi) were quite common.

There were also forest dwelling or meditative monks (vanavasi or aranyavasi). The Buddha had accepted that they may live in forested areas or "arama" to obtain a peaceful environment.

Suitable sites were accordingly selected and converted into habitable environments for the vanavasi monks, who came into prominence during the 7th to 10th centuries. In the process an interesting local tradition of landscape architecture was created.

Special Feature

The special feature of this landscape tradition was the integration of natural elements and the topography in an aesthetic manner, without interfering with the forest.

This included the functional use of water as pools, ponds and streams, along with rocks and boulders in the architectural layout.


The stone-paved walkway boarded by tall na trees. Pictures: Janaka Wettasinghe

Terraces were created for buildings by marrying the slopes with earth embankments and retaining walls.

Irregular and formal paths and flights of steps were also introduced in harmony with the topography.

Join me now in an armchair tour of some of these interesting forest monasteries to trace developments in the landscape tradition.

Rajagirilenakande

Cave monasteries were the first to be developed. Rajagirilenakande near Mihintale is a good example.

Most of the caves found there are more than 30 metres above ground level, under the spur of a hill.

Protected by overhanging boulders and drip-cuts, and divided by clay walls or plastered brick and stone walls, they made quite airy and roomy shelters.

Many inscriptions have been found in these caves from pre-Christian times, mostly indicating the donors.

Flights of stone steps, built, cut into the rock or bending around and blending with natural boulders, connect different levels of this secluded environment.

Sacred buildings like stupa and image house were located at ground level, along with the ponds.

Meditation Houses

In time, cave dwellings came to be associated with monastic buildings for meditation and residence. Meditation houses or padhanagharas are unique to Sri Lanka.

They are typically double platformed stone terraces. The inner platform with pillars that supported a roof, was separated from the outer platform open to the sky by a stream or moat of water.

The remains of such buildings may be seen in the western monasteries at Anuradhapura (8th century) and among the cave dwellings at Ritigala and Arankele.

Ritigala

King Sena I is said to have established a monastery in the ninth century in Ritigala at the foot of the gorge separating the main peak from the northern ridge.

You can reach it by a stone stairway through the forest going uphill for about a half-kilometre. Wherever streams cross, it is bridged.

The stairway is flanked on both sides by caves and the remains of double-platformed buildings.

Footpaths, ponds and stone seats are further evidence of the landscape tradition. There is a na (ironwood) forest in the cave area to the north.

Arankale

In the Kurunegala District, Arankale is somewhat similar to Ritigala.

On the left as you enter is an open glade with stone tables which were used by the laity for the alms they offered to the monks.

The most striking feature is the stone-paved and colonnaded walkway, bordered by tall na trees. It keeps a straight path and ascends in an easy gradient of two to three steps at a time. It could have been used as an ambulatory by the meditating monks.

A large pokuna served the needs of the monks. A restored Jantaghara or hot house bath may be seen at the site.

Several pillars and the ruins of double platform buildings are also seen at different levels in the landscape.

It would appear that these buildings were connected by paths. Wherever they crossed, the junctions were enlarged to form an "island" with well defined curb stones.

Kaludiya

The Kaludiya forest monastery near Mihintale is the last on our tour. It is one of the most beautiful settings in the Rajarata.

I do not think anyone will disagree with Archaeological Commissioner Bell's view that no better sanctuary could have been selected anywhere else in this country for monks in quiet retreat.

Furthermore, the monastery itself is one of the finest expressions of the landscape tradition.

The large natural pokuna, which is the dominant feature of the landscape, has been architecturally enhanced by dressed stone walls winding among the rocks, and two gateways at the north and south ends.

The monastery was laid out by the margin of the pool in terraces skilfully adopted to the varied levels and intersperses between the foot boulders of the hills. The stupa and image house were on the uppermost terraces overlooking the pokuna, with meditation houses and residential quarters lower down.

There is a well preserved uposathaghara where the monks assembled for purification purposes, and a cave temple with brick walls, granite windows and ceilings.

Hard by the ruins is a restored bath house beneath a large boulder, a good example of the integration of build environment with the natural setting.

A picturesque stepped stone walk with take you through the forest to the monastery.

Do not be disappointed if all you see are the repaired plinths of the old buildings,retaining terrace walls and flights of steps connecting the terraces.

With the awareness that you have now acquired of the landscape tradition, it should not be too difficult to have a better picture and a greater appreciation of these forest monasteries, which have been developed from the religion which grew out of the green-shade of the Bodhi.


Ground realities of Buddhism in Malaysia
 

DURING a National Dhamma Schools' seminar held at Kuala Lumpur last November, Ang Choo Hong, the President of the Buddhist Missionary Society of Malaysia made a startling revelation.

His study on the Malaysian 1990 census revealed that out of a total population of 433,304 Chinese children in the Klang Valley from the ages 5 to 19 years, only 1,830 Chinese students attended Buddhist Sunday Schools, an alarming 0.4% only!

Two weeks later, I gave a talk at the Sri Lanka Buddhist temple, Sentul to the participants of the Annual Buddhist Monks' Novitiate program. During the course of my talk to the 80 odd participants, I asked them to raise their hands if they were approached by other religionists for conversion.

A startling 20 raised their hands. Only 2 raised their hands when asked how many Buddhists approached them to teach Buddhism, and both cases being their parents. 25% have been approached or conversion and only 2.5% were approached for remaining as Buddhists. Indeed another alarming figure.

Between the years 1990 to 2000, about 600 new churches and evangelical establishments were built all over Malaysia. The establishment of new Buddhist temples or Societies are only a fraction of this figure.

This trend is a reflection of the 1990 census. Buddhists constituted 90% of the Chinese population in 1980, but declined to 88.2% in 1990. In comparison, Chinese Muslims grew from 0.23% to 0.37%, Chinese Christians grew from 5.84% to 7.76% and Chinese Hindus grew from 0.1% to 0.2%.

In terms of growth rates, this shows that the growth rates of the Chinese Muslims, Chinese Christians and Chinese Hindus are 76.7%, 47.9% and 101%.

With such a dramatic decline rate among Buddhists, it was no wonder that the year 2000 census revealed that the Buddhist population among the Chinese has dropped further from 88.2% to 86%.

The only consolation was had it not been for the efforts of the few learned Buddhist monks, lay Dhamma speakers, Sunday School teachers, writers and the active Buddhist temples and Societies throughout the country, the decline rate would have been much higher.

The 1990 census also reveals that Chinese constituted 98.25% of the Buddhist population.

The balance is made up of Indians, Thais, Sinhalese and others. Why is this data important to us? It is for us to understand the role of culture in sustaining Buddhism and even Hinduism.

While religions that originated from the Middle East such as Christianity and Islam tend to alienate culture in its growth, the Eastern religions such as Buddhism and Hinduism grew and enriched the culture in the community where it grew.

The symbiotic inter-relationship and inter-sustenance between the Sinhala, Thai and Burmese culture and Buddhism has been extensively discussed in the book "Religion and Political Legitimation in South-East Asia" by Prof. B. Smith.

This extensive study reveals the importance for our Buddhists irrespective whether they are Chinese, Thai, Burmese, Sinhalese or Indians to maintain their heritage and culture together with Buddhism. One cannot live without the other.

It is no wonder the majority of the Malaysian Chinese who have converted from Buddhism to other religions are from the national medium or English educated compared to the Chinese educated who tend to hold on to their religion, culture and language.

This phenomenon was also noticed in Sri Lanka in the 19th and 20th centuries when comparing the mass conversion to Christianity among the English educated Sinhalese to the Sinhala educated and English educated from Buddhist institutes of learning.

Our temple monks and the Committee cannot remove themselves from their responsibilities to the Buddhist community.

There is no point a temple continues to draw devotees by the hundreds in the first two years and lose them in the subsequent years to other interests. Either we are not practising what we preach or we lack in-depth and systematic study, practice and sharing in our approach.

We need to look at systematic Sutta studies, social dimensions in Buddhist studies, formation of cell groups for spiritual growth, fellowship and sharing of Dhamma. Gone are the days when devotees come to a temple for mere blessings, funeral services, house blessings, etc.

Once these fundamental needs of the Maslow hierarchy of needs are met, the devotees will yearn for something will yearn for something higher in the hierarchy of needs.

The temple must remain relevant to the community and it must be attuned to their needs. We have lost many of our devotees. We console ourselves that it is because they go to new Buddhist temples or Societies in the vicinity. Only a minority of them are to be found there. The others have just disappeared. When this disappearing act happens, so do their children.

The former US Secretary of States, Colin Powell who was formerly the Chief of Staff for the Armed Forces once said, "The day soldiers stop bringing you their problems is the day you have stopped leading them.

They have either lost confidence that you can help them or concluded that you do not care. Either case is a failure of leadership." This reflection is all the more true for all of us to reflect, whether we are monks, Committee members, parents or Buddhist leaders.

The temple must be there for the community when it needs them. The temple should seek the devotee not vice versa. There is a nice saying in Islam: If the mountain cannot come to (Prophet) Muhammad, (the Prophet) Muhammad goes to the mountain".

We need to learn from our mistakes and correct our methods and approach. Do what is necessary based on core values to get things right. Again Colin Powell adds, "Being responsible sometimes means pissing people off". You have to be cruel to be kind.

We have for too long deluded ourselves in a false sense of security and basking in glory that we have fledging temples and societies complete with facilities without understanding the undercurrents.

What is the point of having a large temple or Society. They are just buildings. What gives life to the temple is the people there, i.e. the living fountains of the Vihara who make us welcome or unwelcome there.

Michael Cibenko says "One problem with gazing too frequently into the past (glory) is that we may turn to find that the future has run out on us. "Surprisingly, 2500 odd years ago, in the Bhaddekaratta Sutta, the Buddha says, "Live now, The past is gone, The future is yet to come".

Six years ago when I just completed my general MBA program, it just dawned to me that the more I learnt management, the more I was actually learning the Dhamma, in the actual words of the Buddha as reflected in the Suttas. Indeed I was stunned. If ever we need to turn back for advice and inspiration, we need to return to the words of the Buddha.

We have come a long way in our Buddhist rebirth since the 1950's in Malaysia and Singapore. Our founders and past generations have sacrificed greatly with tremendous hardship to bring Buddhism to this level.

It is up to us today to continue this great tradition to bring it to greater levels for the sake of our children and the generations to come. Their trials and tribulations are well recorded in many books published by the various temples and Societies that captured their struggle in their writings.

We have become unworthy of this great inheritance and noble tradition as we are not doing enough.

We lack foresight, strategy and creativity, and lack structured Dhammadutta approach. Let us do the right thing by taking the right step forward for the sake of our future generation. We got to believe in ourselves, our family, our friends and strive on with diligence.

Perpetual optimism is a force multiplier. Remove from the mind that we are incapable of giving Dhamma talks, teaching in Sunday Schools, volunteering in administration of the Society or temple, preparing refreshments joyfully, spearheading projects, etc. Everyone of us has a part to play in our Dhammadutta fervour. This is our Urumaya today.

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