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It is widely known that the United National Party has never hesitated to violate the law or resort to thuggery when considered necessary for its political purposes; to serve the personal ends of its members, or to "teach a lesson" to a minority community such as the Tamils.

The use of bicycle chains against workers on strike; the unleashing of its goondhas against university students and other opponents of its policies; and organized violence against the Tamils in July 1983 and even before, has been the accepted green political tradition.

However, there is a belief among those who vociferously support it or extend their support in silence that the UNP is a party that is democratic with policies diametrically opposed to the revolutionary politics of the left, which is interpreted to violence and intimidation.

The UNP is perceived as the "green" party of Sri Lanka as opposed to the reds with their rhetoric of revolution and policies of militancy.

In the midst of all its current twists and turns, as well as legal miscalculations too, the UNP is now trying very hard to shed its green mantle and put on the red shirt of revolt.

Although the Storm Troopers of the JSS may feel good about it, one doubts whether this change of colour in words, if not in deeds, will be acceptable by the UNP's wider supporters who regard it as a party at the conservative end of the political spectrum.

The professor turns red

This emerging trend within the UNP found good exposure in Parliament last week when in the debate on the State of Emergency, in relation to the tsunami disaster.

The verbose professor laboured to explain that what the UNP was most worried about these emergency regulations was that they would be used to stifle trade union and workers' rights.

As one veteran leftist now holding ministerial office told me, it appeared as if the professor, suddenly turned trade union leader, was trying to outdo all his red and pink rivals or comrades in the field.

It is indeed strange to hear the party that virtually destroyed the trade union movement in Sri Lanka though the violence unleashed against it in 1980, expressing fears about the rights of workers and trade unions under the UPFA.

But, we do know that the political chameleon is alive, and that the verbose professor is an example of the survival of this species. What the UNP little understands is that the utterances of its professor- spokesman, only causes greater disbelief among the public.

Ironically, the UNP that issued a statement totally condemning the need to impose a State of Emergency, and also criticized it so much in Parliament, did not vote against it, but preferred to abstain.

In keeping with their new pink look they said the party would vote against it the next time, unless the clauses that threatened trade unions were removed. Two cheers from the ranks of the workers.

Ranil urges revolt

If G. L. Peiris took great pains to be the parliamentary champion of the rights of workers, the UNP leader went much further in what appeared to be a desperate call for revolt. The issue was in fact the non-issue over the ban on new construction within 100 m of the beach, for human habitation.

Speaking to tsunami displaced persons at Hambantota, the UNP leader, better known for chewing gum and gold bracelets for the youth, called on the people who would have to live beyond the proposed 100 m limit to defy the 100 m ban.

Never a friend of the poor and exploited, this unrepentant leader of capitalist exploitation called on the people not to budge from their battered homes within the 100 m no-construction zone.

In what seemed to be a joke, to be confirmed a few days later, he asked the people to demand a court order from anyone who asks them to move out of homes, and also told them to complain to the police of harassment if such a court order was not produced.

His red rhetoric seemed even more bizarre when he warned that evictions from the 100m zone would lead to violations of fundamental rights, and asked whether the Government was willing to pay the fines for such violations of fundamental rights.

There was no mistaking that Ranil Wickremesinghe, and those of the UNP who are with him are now trying there hardest to bring about a coastal revolution, in the usually red heartland in South, through the post-tsunami developments.

The UNP is free to fan revolution anywhere, but the question is how credible their revolutionary rhetoric can be?

As for the issue of courts and court orders, the UNP leadership has proved itself over and again to be very weak when it comes to matters legal.

With all the punditry of the verbose professor on their side, the UNP failed miserably in the proposed 18th and 19th amendments to the Constitution, by which they sought to clip the wings of the President.

This raises major questions about Ranil Wickremesinghe's understanding of fundamental rights and the constitution, when he tells the coastal fishing communities to defy the Government regulation on the 100 m zone, as it violates fundamental rights.

As to the understanding of the law in general, this former Prime Minister and present Leader of the Opposition, has once again exposed his lack of understanding or respect for Natural Justice.

The Supreme Court has ruled that the UNP had acted in violation of Natural Justice in the expulsion of Rohitha Bogollagama from the party, for accepting a portfolio in the UPFA.

It was a repeat of the legal blunder the UNP made over the expulsion of Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Nanda Mathew and others who crossed over to the PA in 2000. It's clear that the arrogance of Ranil Wickremesinghe has no place for Natural Justice.

Fears of landholders

What Ranil Wickremesinghe and those of the UNP protesting the 110 m zone are doing by pretending to champion the rights of the coastal community, is in fact to safeguard the interests of their own large landholding families, friends, and relations, whose land may have to be acquired to settle those who leave the 100 m zone.

The more they shout against the 100m zone the more this seems obvious. It's time for a census of land ownership in the South, especially in the coastal belt, to expose these real fears of the UNP.

One needs to be cautious about these new saviors of the coastal communities who mouth the language of revolt. They speak for themselves and not for those they promise to save.

They also expose the great fear that the Government's relief and reconstruction plans would succeed, giving a better life to the people.

This may be something that Ranil Wickremesinghe finds it hard to chew, with his own political dreams. But chew on it he must as that is the only reality, even though it may lead him to seeing red about it.

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