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| Thursday, 18 November 2004 |
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Politics | |
| News Business Features Editorial Security Politics World Letters Sports Obituaries
| Column One The current political situation is of great comfort to the Alliance Government. Seven months and the government is getting into its triumphant stride. Its achievements are contrary to the expectations of its carping critics. It has now got the clout it needs to carry out its mandate on its way forward. The Opposition having got used to dealing with false interpretations of matters like constitutional provisions and false prophecies on the fallout of Presidential decisions are unable to deal with realities on the ground. Contrast this with the leadership of the President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga who has her eyes to the ground and her finger on the pulse, sure and steady, as no other leader has. Stability in Parliament has been assured by the crossover of the Ceylon Workers Congress with nine members and the support of three others from the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress thus giving the government hundred and eighteen members in Parliament, thus ensuring a majority for its legislation. The JHU with nine members have consistently pledged its support for any legislation it approves of, this gives the government hundred and twenty seven votes for such legislation. Just over a year ago in the last week of October 1 marched with one million other demonstrators to the Colombo Municipal grounds joining in the massive protest against Ranil's peace process and his government. There were over the country dark clouds of doubt, anguish and fear. There was the conviction and persisting perception that Ranil's peace process was taking the nation headlong towards the creation of a separate state. The stench of betrayal and a sellout wafted across our collective nostrils. The President hearing the continuous cacophony of protest took over the Ministry of Defence and two other ministries, before dissolving Parliament in the new year. This stench of fear has evaporated into thin air. Not a single person today believes that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga will permit the creation of a separate state. Those fears of last October are no longer there; there has been no mass demonstrations against the peace process of the present government or protests in the streets against the governments policy of negotiating for peace. This is the most significant political change that has taken place since last year. It ensures the stability of the state and the government. Domestically in addition to the incredible growth of the stock market indices, resulting in record breaking achievements, the booming tourist economy fuelled by the accelerated inflow of tourist from India, U.K and Europe and booming commodities markets, the economy was strengthened by government policies to withstand the enormous pressures put on it by the rise in the prices of oil. Internationally the warmth of Indian support now being expressed again as the President on her current visit to India meets Indias new leaders, support from Europe and the support of America for this government, assures the government that it can proceed on its path strengthened by the international community. Richard Armitage the hands on US Deputy Secretary of State has been quoted as saying a few days ago that the "US will help our partners such as the government in Sri Lanka," and that the two countries enjoy today "a strong and as productive relationship". What is also pertinent and relevant that he called upon the LTTE to give up terrorist activities and get back to talks. "I call upon the LTTE to renounce terror and to return to the negotiating table." This call for the LTTE to return to the negotiating table supports the government's positions that it wants peace through negotiations with the LTTE to solve the ethnic problem. Further the government's political stability has been strengthened by the increase of the fertilizer subsidies and the reduction of fertilizer prices, employment of forty four thousand unemployed graduates receiving Rs. 6000 a month during training, the immediate stopping of sweeping privatization and the selling of national assets; increasing essential subsidies and a 5.2% G.D.P. growth rate in the last quarter. All these and other measures have ensured stability. The dialogue amongst several parties in the Southern polity to advise and reach a consensus on what is necessary to achieve peace parallel to the soon to be resumed negotiations with the LTTE, thus implementing the campaign pledge to bring inclusivity into the peace process. This policy has been backed by the Chief Priest of the Malwatte Chapter, by India and the world community: the continuous pressure put on the LTTE by the international community to come to the negotiating table, as well as the difficulties faced by the LTTE as a result of its internal divisions and the performance of the Alliance government, has brought about pressure external and internal on the major opposition party. The UNF and its leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe are now on the horns of not one but on the horns of many dilemmas. Having been defeated and humbled on April 2 and rejected by the CWC and some Parliamentary members of the SLMC, it is left with the support of only just about one third of the nation. The party and its leader have to choose between their and his own personal political future and respond to a list of major issues which all for instant responses, all of which will bring out more the tensions already within the UNF, exacerbate the divisions within it, and make decisions it takes more irrelevant to the people's needs. Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe's dilemmas are acute and thorny. He and his party are swimming in the stormy sea of these dilemmas which will pile up one on top of each other in the days to come. Supposing the government sticks to its position that under Article 31 (3A) (D) of the Constitution the incumbent President's term of office expires only in November 2006, what will he do? As leader of a party which in it contains many who may be termed hardliners of different hues, as in August 2000 when I crossed the floor, the real dilemma he has is how he handles issues such as the above, with or without confrontation, by ordering a one year campaign, or settling for a two-year campaign or going on the streets with no success as he did so futilely on his rushed return from Washington last November. The hardliners will want to fight, others will want constitutional procedures to be followed, organizers will think hard about spending money, time and energy when they know that what they are doing will not have any relevance and that they not will be able to expect a 2005 November presidential election. Hard liners will be using this development to pressurize their leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe, being consumed with the desire to be President, not to find common ground between him and the President on the peace process. Ranil's gut political instinct today is to do what my former Ministerial and Parliamentary colleague the Speaker said recently he wished would happen, the joining together of his leader Ranil and the President in bringing peace to the country. I remember that all Parliamentarians on both sides of Parliament were happy when they saw pictures in the newspapers over four and half years ago when Ranil Wickremesinghe shook hands with the President after eighteen weeks of talks and said this is one of the happiest days for the nation. The dilemma for Ranil is whether he will act on the sentiments of the Speaker or do what he did in August 2000, put an election victory elusive as in 2000, ahead of doing what is right for the nation. Ranil Wickremesinghe still remains the man who brokered the Liam Fox agreement, participated in a dialogue with the President in 2000 where amongst other things he agreed to constitutional reform and the abolition of the Executive Presidency. Waiting for a totally impossible victory in 2006 or doing his duty to help the President to achieve peace is the dilemma he faces given the conflicting forces within his party. Citizen |
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