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The Cost of Living issue played a decisive role in the defeat of the UNF. While Ranil's strategists were under the delusion this factor will not go against them since the rural voter in the sprawling countryside is generally unaffected by the rising price of daily essential commodities.

While there is some rationale in this argument, the fact is densely-populated urban electorates like Colombo, Gampaha, Kalutara, Negombo and several others voted overwhelmingly with the Alliance on this issue alone. A good portion of this was the support the UNF secured in 2001.

The rising prices were in the mind of the voter for several months before April 2 and the Consumer Minister's "shopping for groceries during midnight" is now a joke and this pet scheme of his only resulted in heavy CEB bills and empty Sathosa shops.

The simple Sri Lankan does his/her grocery buying very much in the day is a message this energetic young politician would have learnt by now.

Our shoppers also have the common sense air-conditioned super-markets, which the Minister was pushing - in the guise of lifting our consumers to higher levels of sophistication and foodstuffs in expensive fancy packing will cost them at least several per cent more than the simple Sathosa shop which had all the daily essentials at a price cheaper than the Mudalali's Kade down the road.

Ordinarily, these could be bought in loose form in affordable quantities - 100, 250, 500 grams - at no extra cost of fancy packing. Complaints have also been received that the weight in packeted foodstuffs leave much room for complaints.

The worst disappointment was former Minister was unable to efficiently and effectively run the import and distribution activities of the CWE to her earlier levels of competency. This resulted in over 150 Sathosa outlets countrywide remaining empty to the surprise of the housewife who obtained her essentials from these shops for over 50 years.

The housewife, therefore, voted for a government that will assure her favourite place of shopping is available to her fully stocked with essentials at reasonable prices.

Meanwhile, those at the top in the CWE hierarchy were busy more in trying to cannibalise and sell off the CWE's assets than keeping these outlets fed with daily essentials like dhal, dried chillies, rice, sugar, tinned fish, dried fish, onions, condiments and other popular stuff - which is what they should have concentrated on.

When the Minister was confronted by the press to allegations he was planning to reduce the trading and distribution role of Sathosa, he loudly argued in the negative.

However, insiders reported a surreptitious hive of activity in the meantime in selling the assets of the CWE lock, stock and barrel. Insensitively, pressure was brought on the staff, to leave under the Voluntary Retirement Scheme compelling them to go on a "fast unto death" - which was prevented by Alliance leaders just before the elections with the assurance CWE will be restored to its early service stature.

Hundreds of complaints have been received in various forms of malpractises in the CWE during the 2002-2003 period - now under investigation.

When the Cabinet complained the Ministry desperately tried to stock CWE shops with goods and spent millions on TV and newspaper advertisements trying to get the disappointed consumers back. But all they succeeded in was filling CWE shelves with their biscuits, soap, detergents and a few other daily essentials in packets priced higher than the market. Regular Sathosa customers do not go there to purchase these.

They go there, as suggested earlier to buy the kitchen's daily essentials. But the business combine that bought 40 per cent of Sathosa Retail had their own Agenda and so they stocked their biscuits and the like. The CWE failed to act when sugar went over Rs. 40 from Rs. 26. Big onions to Rs. 60 from Rs. 25. Halmessa to Rs. 180 from Rs. 90. Umbalakada to Rs. 395/425 from Rs. 240. Eggs from Rs. 5.50 to Rs. 3.50. Whenever the Minister tried to explain high prices to the people on TV his theatrics left the people unconvinced. His "MundoGas" saga is being laughed at still. His plea he had done his best - did not hold.

The electorate reacted against a government which was incapable of bringing down the Cost of Living. The Minister was one of those who lost the game for Ranil. It is understood the new government is treating the restoration of the CWE's import and distribution activities on a priority basis. Steps are being taken to help stock the national network of Sathosa outlets with immediate steps and an advertising campaign will be launched soon to get Sathosa customers back.

The Electorate that was shocked and tired of plundering of the State's resources by Ministers of the PA government of 1994-2001 turned to Ranil and the UNF for the "Clean" government they assured the electorate.

The people then gave them their mandate. It will be called both he and his deputy Karu Jayasuriya were both called "Mr. Clean". In fairness to both, they certainly did nothing to earn a different reputation. What took place in the 2002-2003 era by many of the actors in the previous regime was to engage "in their old game." This time in a more pronounced manner. A notorious Minister of the UNF government, a parachutist, whenever confronted with charges of corruption growled back "we were the people who brought Ranil to power - and, let him remember that."

Brazen corruption in the questionable sale of State land to friends and favourites resulting in amassing massive illegal wealth also took its toll from the UNF government. State land demarcated for public use such as playgrounds, car parks, fields meant for drainage of rain-water and many other in urban and suburban areas were sold by UNF Ministers to big-business and others ignoring tender procedure.

The mass of the voter, therefore, felt prey to the charge Ranil's UNF government pays more attention to the rich and the corrupt businessmen and that the farmer, the worker and the poorer masses are low down in their scheme of things. His strategists and planners (he must have had some) could not counter-act or anticipate this strong trend building against Ranil. The electorate watched with horror the helplessness and paralysis of Ranil's government to contain errant ministers.

There is nothing wrong or illegal having businessmen close to political leaders. Mahathma Gandhi had the Birlas around him and was in fact assassinated in one of the Birla properties. However, political leaders must not allow or cause conditions for opportunists to manoeuvre and exploit them. It is the duty of any responsible government to bring those highly-placed who were parties to illegal acts to book. Deterrent punishment should have been the order of the day.

In the absence of action from Ranil's UNF, the voter waited for his chance to respond - and, he did so convincingly. What also amazed the voter was the blanket amnesty the government was influenced by some of its key ministers - to bring into law that would have legalized huge ill-gotten gains.

The corruption issue also saw over half a million UNF votes - that was their gain in the December 2001 elections - going the JHU way because the simple religious-inclined urban and suburban voter - mostly middle aged and temple going women - voted for Ranil in 2001 hoping he would deliver the country from the scourge of bribery and corruption of the PA. Stunned by the failure of the UNF, they voted with the JHU. A statistical analysis of the UNF's loss and the JHU's gain is strikingly clear here.

While Ranil and the UNF did emphasise on their gains in the peace front, the mood of the electorate was focused more on the Cost of Living and the corruption factor. It is suggested the electorate, over a period of 28 months - to the credit of Ranil and the UNF - had taken the peace factor for granted and this, therefore from their perspective was no longer a source of worry - certainly not a major worry.

This is certainly being uncharitable to Ranil but the electorate in this country and elsewhere has behaved in this manner countless times before... Churchill's Conservative government being rejected in favour of Clement Atlee's Labour Party immediately after WW2 is a case in point.

Still another peculiar feature in Sri Lankan politics is whenever the UNP narrows the ethnic gap by working successfully with Tamil parties making gains in the unity factor, the Opposition warn the voter Sinhalese interests are being bartered away.

That this fear (imaginary, I would suggest) that has usually bringing gains is certainly not a complimentary testimony to the political acumen of the ordinary Southern voter. This was seen in the General Elections of 1956, July 1960, 1977 and more so this April. Ranil and his advisors over-emphasised an issue they miscalculated to be a winner with the ordinary voter Ranil's advisors had grievously erred again.

Yet another and certainly not the final important factor for Ranil's plight was the JVP itself. Whereas the few dozens of regular party cadres in each electorate worked for the UNP and the SLFP as they faithfully do during every election, the JVP had the advantage where each and every one of their claimed half-a-million cadres worked day in and day out at great sacrifice of their time, comforts and resources to ensure the victory of the party. Not having worn the mantle of political power; with their untested reputation being unscarred, they easily won over the hundreds of thousands of un-employed, undecided youth on the fence.

Driven by idealism to rid the country of institutionalised corruption at higher levels, they found many converts. Thoroughly disenchanted with the UNF's incapability to solve the unemployment problem - notably that of the Graduate unemployed - and successfully secured a promise out of CBK to cause a dent in this matter within a year.

They appeared to understand and identified themselves with the important vote-bank of millions of farmers around country. Whereas Ranil went to Wellawaya and promised "an Airport and super-markets like in Colombo" the JVP understood the terrain better and Wimal Weerawansa kept his feet on terra firma and promised the farmers attractive fertilizer subsidies and cheaper seed paddy.

This certainly made differences in favour of the JVP. Their claim to "save the Motherland being divided by the separatists" whether imaginary or real - found fertile soil in their favour.

Their assurances to help the small businessman and industrialists against cheaper imports secured many followers. They swept the South from Kalutara to Hambantota on the record of their clean and efficient running of the Tissamaharama Pradeshiya Sabha and sent out the signal "if we can do it at Tissamaharama, we can do it anywhere."

- L. Mostley

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