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India's concerns

If consistency in policy, both domestic and foreign, is defined as the hallmark of a successful state, India could be considered as embodying it to a substantial degree. This is particularly exemplified in India's policy on Lanka's ethnic conflict.

While India has staunchly stood over the years, for the due process of law in regard to the matters arising from the assassination of former Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi, New Delhi has been a consistent backer of an equitable solution to our conflict, emphasizing in particular the need to safeguard Lanka's territorial integrity, while conceptualizing such a solution.

With equal emphasis, India has stressed the need to meet the legitimate aspirations of all our communities, while shaping our political solution to the conflict. These have been the essential components of India's Lankan policy over the years and these have successfully met the test of time, regardless of which political party steered the ship of State in New Delhi.

We are compelled to dwell on this enviable record in consistency of state policy on learning that the LTTE's Tamilselvam had called on the TNA leadership to canvass the Indian authorities for a favourable stance on their part on the LTTE. The TNA leadership was urged to defuse any misgivings New Delhi could have with regard to the Tigers.

That the LTTE could be expected to be somewhat out of depth when it comes to handling matters of a political nature is evinced by this request by Tamilselvam. That New Delhi would respect the due process of law with regard to the grave crime which was the assassination of former Premier Rajiv Gandhi, shouldn't be allowed to obfuscate the fact that it would be pursuing its established policy on Sri Lanka - that is, the support for a just political solution which respects the legitimate needs of all of Lanka's communities, without exception.

The LTTE leadership would do well to cooperate in evolving a political solution on these lines, which is inherently just and recommendable, when talks resume, rather than compel the TNA leadership to engage in superfluous exercises which smack of digressive tactics of the most inessential kind.

However, it cannot be denied that a political solution to our conflict needs to be worked out in reference to India's sensitivities and legitimate concerns. It cannot be otherwise because India is one of South Asia's predominant powers. Like all other regional powers it has specific security concerns which need to be recognized. One of these is that foreign powers hostile to India shouldn't be allowed to exercise a predominant influence in the region. This is a legitimate concern if it is allowed that all states seek to consolidate their national interest. Security, after all, is integral to a country's national interest.

Besides, it is unlikely that India would look favourably on secessionist forces. Despite its remarkable geographical vastness and ethnic diversity, the federal system of government has been found by India to work, to a great extent. Power-sharing rather than secession is its formula for ethnic peace. As long as the LTTE keeps these considerations in mind, there is hardly any need for it to look nervously over its shoulder at India.

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Another chance to salvage Doha Accord

Come January, the focus will be on Dhaka, where several heads of government and trade ministers will gather to explore the possibility of reviving global trade talks and reaching a successful conclusion to the Doha Development Round.

The Prime Ministers of Bangladesh, Thailand and former Indian Prime Minister I.K. Gujral will join World Trade Organisation (WTO) Director General Dr Supachai Panitchpakdi at a conference titled 'Global Economic Governance and Challenges of Multilateralism' in the Bangladeshi capital.

Organisers have described the January summit as a "shot in the arm" for the multilateral trading system after the failure of the Cancun talks. Three hundred delegates from 27 countries including Sri Lanka are expected to attend.

The conference will be an ideal opportunity to review the Cancun debacle and exchange ideas on pushing multilateral trade without harming the interests of developing countries. Several sticky points scuttled previous trade talks. Among them were agricultural subsidies and trade barriers in the United States, Europe and Japan that prevent developing countries from trading out of poverty.

African and Asian farmers complain that their products are priced out of US and Europe by the US$ 350 billion worth subsidies lavished on the rich world's farmers. Subsidies in the developed cost poor developing countries an estimated $320 billion a year in lost trade. Developing countries have stressed that WTO talks could be nudged back on track if developed countries changed their stance on trade-distorting farm subsidies.

The lesson from Cancun is clear: developmental concerns of the poorer countries must be taken into account in any global trading regime. The global development aid budget is just $57 billion a year, but developing countries will be able to able to earn much more from trade if the First World minimises protectionist measures and subsidies.

The January conference would hopefully address another issue that worries the Third World: Some developed countries want to include labour, environmental and human rights standards in WTO talks. The developing world fears that these standards represent a new kind of conditionality.

It is time that the developed world heeded growing calls for free trade, in the true spirit of the word, without clinging on to protectionist moves and conditions that could widen the gap between the North and the South.

A broken hand works, but not a broken heart. (Persian proverb)

STONE 'N' STRING

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