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The hidden facts about our independence

by Stanley C.C. Atukorale

The conferment of Dominion status on Sri Lanka on 4th February, 1948 is an important landmark in the history of the national independence struggle in this country.

Accordingly, in the national calendar every year the 4th of February has been declared as the day of National Independence in the country, considering its historic significance. The history of national independence in this country is a very long one. It dates back to the time of very ancient kings. Our national history is replete with wars signifying national freedom.

In the distant past, our forefathers has fought to defend the country from Indian invaders such like the Cholians, Pandyans and Keralians, who were very inimical to our national interests. But things did not come to an end with those battles alone for reasons of further threats emanated from a new kind of imperialism emerged in the west. Hence the invasions of Portuguese, Dutch, and British who held sway over us for several centuries. British imperialist rule prevailed in this country for no less a period than 150 years. During this period we have fought many battles to regain our lost national independence. The 1818 Rebellion, 1848 rebellion are some of those events which challenged the British rule. It was a long line of battles and the Dominion independence is a result of that.

Who mooted the idea first of Dominion status for Sri Lanka in the course of those freedom battles? It is a question which this country needs a reply to, though our leaders talk very little about it. It was in fact an idea originated in the Sinhala Maha Sabha which late Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike headed as a national political figure of the day. Sinhala Maha Sabha had adopted a resolution to that effect.

It was as a result of that measure of the Sinhala Maha Sabha the then member for Horana, A.P. Jayasuriya brought forward a motion, on the 26th March, 1942 in the then State Council demanding for the conferment of Dominion status on Sri lanka after the war and requesting the Secretary of State to give an immediate assurance on that point.

The following was the motion which stood upon the Addendum to the orders of the day in A.P. Jayasuriya's name.

A.P. Jayasuriya to move that the Council demands the conferment of Dominion status to Ceylon after the war and require that -

(a) The British government should give an assurance to the effect as has been done in the case of certain other British possessions and.

(b) That sir Stafford Crips should be instructed to extend his Indian visit to Ceylon also in order that he might discuss this matter with representatives of people. H.W. Amarasooriya the MP for Galle had seconded that motion. The State Council passed it.

On the day when this motion appeared on the Order Paper of the Council, the English businessmen and planters of the day were deeply determined to defeat this motion. For this motion provoked the wrath of all these British agents. As a prelude to do that they taught of a plan to create dissention and discord among the Sri Lankan Community on racial and religious lines. Then the Times of Ceylon was European-owned. It played the role of watch-dog on all British interests.

This was what the Editor of this European owned Times of Ceylon wrote about the motion appearing on the Order Paper of the State Council on the 26th March, 1942. "There is no reason why the promise of Dominion status after the war should not be given - except one. Of that objection A.P. Jayasooriya, the mover of the Dominion status resolution is a striking illustration.

A. P. Jayasooriya owes his seat in the state council mainly to his religious intolerance.....so long as this spirit prevails in Ceylon many Ceylonese will oppose the transfer of power to men who cannot resist the temptation to abuse their position...........Therefore S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike founded the Singhala Maha Sabha the object of which is the glorification of the Sinhala race. His lieutenant and colleague C. W. W. Kannangara, Minister of Education expends himself in attacking Christians and their schools.......".

In making this accusation the Times of Ceylon had not produced or quoted any acceptable material evidence. Judge and prosecution was combined in one institution. Referring to this allegation this was what A. P. Jayasuriya had to say refuting the logic of Times of Ceylon.

"Nobody knows better than my opponent (late E. W. Perera) himself that religious feelings were not exploited by me. He has never referred to the contest in that manner as far as I am aware. The reasons that contributed to his defeat are to be found elsewhere; they are reasons which have nothing to do with religious prejudice of any kind.........."

Despite all these resistances on the part of British authorities here, the State Council passed that motion. After that several other political organisations and certain members began to pass resolutions, demanding Dominion status.

In the National Congress, the factions led by late D. S. Senanayake espoused the Dominion cause while the other faction led by J. R. Jayewardene held a different view. Thus the National Congress opinion was divided. At one stage of this controversy D. S. Senanayake resigned from the National Congress as a protest against the anti-Dominion demand of certain congressmen. But later he re-joined. In spite of these later motions it was the original resolution of the Singhala Maha Sabha which paved the way for the declaration of 1943. What was offered by it fell far short of Dominion status and this provoked the wrath of the country's national leaders.

The national opinion of the country about the declaration of 1943 was that it could not be held to be as satisfactory in 1945 as people had thought it to be in 1943. Hence D. S. Senanayake ignored the Declaration of 1943 with all its limitations and made out a claim for Dominion status. The colonial authorities however felt that it was too early to make any decision on Dominion status, for this country due to the fact that the case for India had till to be settled.

By this time the formation of the Indian National Army by Netaji Subash Chandra Bose had posed a challenge to the British authorities in India. It had its impact on the British Colonial policy in South East Asia. This trend of the Indian National Liberation struggle created a very favourable situation for the Sri Lankan fighters who at that time were espousing the cause of Dominion status . They clamoured for a Dominion status and this effort of our national leaders were greatly facilitated when the Labour Party of Atlee was returned to power, after the war.

Atlee's path in South East Asia was not an easy one. The situation there was like that of a seething boiler. He feared another costly and destructive civil war in the Indian Sub Continent. It was not without reason that he entertained such fears about a possible war.

Netaji Subash Chandra Bose in his new year message broadcast from Singapore on the 2nd of January, 1945 gave a bird's eye view of the world situation and assured his countrymen that the Indian National Army was all set to resume its attack shortly. The following is an excerpt from the text of his radio message:

"............Brothers and Sisters, we assure you that we shall fulfil our mission. The Indian National Army will soon find itself in the plains of Bengal and Assam. When we arrive there it will be your duty to help us......The Indian National Army will shortly launch its attack and the British forces will be compelled to retreat until they are defeated....." The growing political consciousness in the soldiers as aroused by Netaji Chandra Bose came to surface when the Royal Indian Navy revolted in the Bombay Docks and some companies among the troops sent to Burma and East Asia refused to obey the command of their British officers and expressed solidarity with the INA men.

This happened in 1946. By the time this revolt took place Netaji Chandra Bose was missing and he was believed to have died in an air crash on the morning of 18-08-1945 when Bose and party left by two planes for Saigon.

And this naval revolt referred to above quickened the phase of Indian Independence exposing the debility of British imperial power. By 1947 it appeared fairly clear that India was well on the road to freedom. D. S. Senanayake therefore made a further claim for Dominion status. This time the colonial authorities seemed better disposed.

The Ceylon Independent Act 1947 conferred on (Ceylon) Sri Lanka, the legislative powers conferred on the older dominions by the Statute of Westminster, 1931 and on India and Pakistan by Section 6 of the Indian Independence Act 1947. The Ceylon Independence Order-in-Council 1947 removed from the existing Constitution (which was based on the Soulbury Report) all those provisions which were inconsistent with independence within the Commonwealth.

An English Historian Michael Edwards author of 'Last Years of British India' wrote, "only one outstanding personality took a different and violent path and in a sense India owes more to him than to any other man - even though he seemed to be a failure (Superficially)."

British Prime Minster's (Atlee) following statement confirmed his view, when the Indian Independence Bill came up for discussion in the House of Commons, refuting the opposition leader, Winston Churchil's charge that the government had destroyed the British Empire in India built over years by surrendering to the leadership of Gandhiji. Prime Minister Atlee categorically stated "The formation of the Indian National Army by Subash Chandra Bose during the Second World War and the revolt of the Royal Indian Navy in Bombay and elsewhere in 1946 had amply demonstrated that the edifice of the loyalty to the Britishers had already crumbled.

It was therefore prudent for the Britishers to withdraw from India with grace." In the context it would not be an exaggeration to say that the path chosen by Subash Bose gave an impetus to Sri Lankan Independence Movement as well; for it quickened our phase of Independence too.

These historical facts have been kept hidden from the public for no apparent reason. Though we celebrate the 55th anniversary of the country's independence at a national level, we have not yet been able to make it a full reality for reasons of our ignorance about national politics.

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