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Depoliticising the State

Among the resolutions passed by the UNP at its 48th annual convention was one relating to the depoliticisation of Sri Lanka to ensure the fundamental freedoms of the people.

The task of depoliticising the Lankan polity could be considered as important as bringing peace to it. In fact, the two enterprises could, at present, be seen as closely intertwined. The much-needed national consensus on a political solution to the conflict would be facilitated to the extent to which Lankan society is depoliticised. It is only in a Sri Lanka which is not politically polarised to the degree to which it is today, that a non-partisan political consensus on the conflict would be possible. Therefore, depoliticising Lankan society is as important as the peace endeavour. We are glad that no less a person than Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is seeing the great need for this.

The widespread belief is that we have already laid the basis for the depoliticisation of public life by passing the 17th Amendment to the constitution and by ensuring the establishment of the Constitutional Council. The latter body is in turn in the process of setting-up the series of Independent Commissions which were envisaged in the Amendment. For instance, the Police and Public Service Commissions have been already set up. It was hoped that with the setting-up of these Commissions, the politicisation of areas such as the police, the judiciary, the Elections Commission and the public service would come to an end.

It is far too early to assess the performance of these bodies, but it is plain to see that they need to operate dynamically if any dividends are to be reaped from their establishment. The speedy and fair disposal of issues addressed to them would prove to be of great significance in the days ahead. We hope that this would truly be the case.

It is a politically-divided public which has caused Lanka's steep slide into politicisation over the years. This process was greatly facilitated by the loss of independence of institutions such as the police, the public service and the elections machinery. It is now generally recognised that the constitutional tinkering of 1972 led to this sad situation. With the constitutional engineering which was witnessed in the early Seventies, the institutions just mentioned lost their independence and were made subservient to the political executive. Thus set in the politicisation of most areas of public life.

If senior public and police officials, for instance, are appointed, promoted, transferred or even dismissed on political grounds, how could one expect these organs of the State to be manned by the best-qualified persons? Such factors have contributed in no small measure to the ruinous road Sri Lanka has traversed over the decades.

The corollary of the ending of politicisation is the ushering in of a meritocracy. The latter is a hallmark of democracy. To the degree to which merit is recognised and acted on in every public sphere, the State would be depoliticised. These are our immediate tasks.

Depoliticisation and bringing peace are also inseparable in the sense that it is only in a State where justice prevails that social peace could be expected. When the prime institutions of the State are politicised, social justice cannot be expected because, merit, an essential attribute of democracy, is not recognised and made a criterion for the allocation of public goods, such as jobs. This paves the way for public discontent and frustration - the ideal soil for violence, terror and war.

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