Voting changes
President
Mahinda Rajapaksa announced this week that the recently held elections,
to the Provincial Councils in the Eastern, North Central and
Sabaragamuwa provinces, would be the last in which the number of
preferential votes polled would be a criterion for appointing Chief
Ministers.
He said this in his address to the newly-elected provincial
councillors, ministers and chief ministers of the three provinces,
during the ceremony for their swearing in held at the Presidential
Secretariat in Colombo Fort on Monday.
Outlining the background to this decision, the President explained
that the existing system caused a lot of problems and had given rise to
much criticism. The rivalry for preferential votes caused of revenge
issues among members of the same party, as well as between different
parties. Only a handful was given appointments as ministers due to
constitutional limitations, and from this arose allegations that
suitable qualified people were left out of positions of power.
He said that such problems regarding preferential voting would not
occur in the future because the government had decided to conduct future
elections to local government bodies and to Provincial Councils on an
electorate or ward basis.
Preferential vote
Casting the vote. File photo |
Significantly, associated with the President at this assembly was
Water Supply and Drainage Minister and Chief Government Whip Dinesh
Gunawardena, who has long been an advocate of electoral reform.
The President reiterated this position on Thursday, during a Temple
Trees breakfast for newspaper Editors and other senior personnel.
Emphasising that the electoral law relating to local government needed
to be amended to do away with the preferential vote, he set a target
date for a Bill to be brought to Parliament, to introduce this and other
reforms - October 10.
Many potential political candidates - as well as most of the voting
public - will undoubtedly breathe a sigh of relief at this development.
It is no secret that the ‘manaapa yuddhe’ (‘battle for preferences’) has
distorted the political picture in this country and caused hardship to
candidates.
The preference vote measure was originally introduced to reduce
criticism that the voters had no choice in electing their
representatives under proportional representation. The
first-past-the-post system of voting had caused lop-sided results and
under-representation for smaller parties and these faults were to be
corrected by means of proportional representation.
Unfortunately, the new system meant that people had little say in who
was actually elected to represent them, merely in which party was to do
so. The secretary of a given party had the power to appoint members from
the list. Preference votes helped give voters more control over who was
actually appointed. However, the cure was worse than the disease. Voters
from less populous electoral districts found themselves deprived of a
deputy, whereas those from more densely inhabited areas found themselves
with several. This led to more work being done for people in areas with
a bigger population.
For the candidates themselves, a huge monetary investment became
necessary to carry out propaganda. Whereas earlier each candidate had to
challenge their opponents in their own area, now it became essential to
have the resources to challenge the candidates of their own party within
a much larger area.
The financial outlay needed for a candidate to get elected became
enormous. This meant that the candidates should be wealthy in their own
right or else had to be obligated to rich sponsors - a large number
drawn from a class of businessmen on the margins of legality, whose need
for patronage also bordered on the illegal. This has caused a Rightward
shift in the field of political battle, away from the ‘have-nots’
towards the ‘haves’, specifically towards new rich black money.
Monitoring members
Furthermore, personalities, rather than issues and policies, became
the paramount concern. This degraded the level of political discourse,
leading directly to the verbal abuse which is regularly hurled across
the floor of each representative assembly on this island.
The level of competition was worse, the lower down the representative
ladder. While at Provincial level all power is held by five ministers,
in local government one person (Mayor or Chairperson) is omnipotent. The
convention (not, it should be pointed out, a constitutional provision)
for appointing Chief Ministers and heads of local government on the
basis of their preferential vote exacerbated the amount of competition
for preferences.
In recent years the situation has got much worse. Candidates have
begun regarding their own party colleagues as the principal enemy, not
the candidates of other parties. This trend reached its culmination at
the recent hustings, with two separate major clashes reported, the first
between members of the United National Party, the other between
supporters of the incumbent United People’s Freedom Alliance.
The intended legislation is timely and will, it is hoped, prevent a
further deterioration of the situation. We also hope it will embrace
greater democratisation within the structures of the devolved
administrations as well. Provincial Councillors and members of Municipal
and Urban Councils and Pradeshiya Sabhas have little power unless they
are members of the Provincial Cabinets or Mayors or Chairpersons. In
local government bodies, their vote on budgets can be overridden. This
situation has to change.
The government obviously recognises this problem, since the President
has said that Provincial Councillors would be appointed as monitoring
members to scrutinize the activities of their own councils. These powers
need to be extended down the line to members of the lowest local
government bodies.
It is to be hoped that the changes to be embodied in the forthcoming
legislation will go far enough to eliminate the existing drawbacks in
the system. At the same time, sufficient checks and balances should be
incorporated to preserve the democratic rights of the people, so that
the faults of the old first-past-the-post system are not repeated. |