Must it be the West against the rest?
Lionel WIJESIRI
Sri Lanka's ambassador in Geneva - Tamara Kunanayakam's comment on
UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka makes good sense. She said, "The
resolution judges the intentions of an elected government, and proposes
actions that arise from unwarranted hypotheses. These hypotheses are of
a piece with the condign criticism from countries advancing this
resolution when the LLRC was appointed.
The effort to impose technical assistance and advice from the office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is contrary to the principle
that these should be based on consent. The conflation of these with
special procedures and the requirement of a sovereign government to
mandatorily accept such advice is totally contrary to the principle of
sovereignty, and has no precedent'.
The concept of sovereignty has been discussed across history, from
the time of the Romans through to the present day and has changed in its
definition, concept, and application throughout. The current notion of
state sovereignty is often traced back to the Peace of Westphalia
(1648), which, in relation to countries, codified the three basic
principles: territorial integrity, border inviolability and the
supremacy of the state.
Tamara Kunanayakam |
Tony Blair |
George W. Bush |
In our day, the concept of national sovereignty resembles a fallen
Humpty Dumpty whose only hope is that all the king's horses and all the
king's men will be able to perform a miracle of restoration. Amid
conflicting calls for radical surgery and compulsory euthanasia, some
nations are fragmenting; others are expanding their power boundaries,
and many live under the shadow of ever more active international
organizations.
The concept of national sovereignty has always had its opponents, but
there have been times when the nation-state seemed to be a
well-established norm. From within, the greatest attack has consistently
come from armed uprisings, when a group of misguided people denies the
right of the proclaimed sovereign to remain sovereign. From without, the
greatest attack has consistently come from intervention, when one
powerful country or group of countries denies the right of another to
determine its own affairs.
For the most part it is not sovereignty per se that is under attack,
but rather state or national sovereignty. In fact, those who attack
state sovereignty most intensely often seem to champion a traditional,
absolute sovereignty with a different locus.
Movements
The history of sovereignty can be understood through two broad
movements, manifested in both practical institutions and political
thought. The first is the development of a system of sovereign states,
culminating at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. The Treaty of Westphalia
of 1648, bringing an end to the Thirty Years' War, which had drowned
Europe in blood in battles over religion, defined the principles of
sovereignty an in this way became the constitution of the new system of
states in Europe.
Article I of the Treaty says that peace among sovereign nations
requires that each nation develops itself fully, and regards it as its
self-interest to develop the others fully, and vice versa - a real
'family of nations.' Article II says: "On both sides, all should be
forever forgotten and forgiven-what has from the beginning of the
unrest, no matter how or where, from one side or the other, happened in
terms of hostility-so that neither because of that, nor for any other
reason or pretext, should anyone commit any hostility secretly or
openly, directly or indirectly, under any pretense.
The second movement began in practice after World War II and has
since continued through European integration.
Some scholars have doubted whether a stable, essential notion of
sovereignty exists. But there is in fact a definition that captures what
sovereignty came to mean in early modern Europe and of which most
subsequent definitions are a variant: supreme authority within a
territory. This is the quality that early modern countries possessed,
but which popes, emperors, kings, bishops, and most nobles and vassals
during the Middle Ages lacked.
Each component of this definition highlights an important aspect of
the concept. First, a holder of sovereignty possesses authority.
Authority is "the right to command and correlatively the right to be
obeyed". But if sovereignty is a matter of authority, it is not a matter
of mere authority, but of supreme authority. The holder of sovereignty
is superior to all authorities under its purview.
Political authority
The third ingredient of sovereignty is territoriality, also a feature
of political authority in modernity. Territoriality is a principle by
which members of a community are to be defined. It specifies that their
membership derives from their residence within borders. It is a powerful
principle, for it defines membership in a way that may not correspond
with identity.
Historical manifestations of sovereignty are almost always specific
instances of this general definition. It is in fact the instances of
which philosophers and the politically motivated have spoken most often,
making their claim for the sovereignty of this person or that body of
law. Understanding sovereignty, then, involves understanding claims to
it, or at least some of the most important of these claims.
Claims and interventions
In practice, since the end of the cold war the USA and its allies
have been intervening more often in conflicts within (as opposed to
between) states. Sometimes it has happened with, and sometimes without,
the consent of the governments concerned. In 1999 Tony Blair became the
first world leader to assert a moral right to "get actively involved in
other people's conflicts" - even without leave from the Security
Council. Speaking after NATO's war over Kosovo, which the Security
Council had declined to endorse, Britain's then Prime Minister made the
case for "just war, based not on territorial ambitions, but on values".
Four years later, an American-led coalition invaded Iraq, using
somewhat similar rhetoric about the need to overthrow a dangerous tyrant
for the good of everyone. Although it wasn't in any formal or legal
sense a test case for responsibility to protect, many people felt that
the disastrous outcome in Iraq discredited the entire idea of
intervention for 'altruistic' purposes.
Intervention is an external denial of a state's sovereignty. It is a
de facto claim for the existence of a higher authority or a greater
power. In this era, intervention is primarily the action of one country
or a group of countries to enforce its will within the territory or
affairs of another country. The use of military force is not the only
means of forcing another country to submit. Foreign economic and
political coercion has often replaced massed armies, and interventions
have been based on request from governments with questionable
legitimacy.
The need
What is the need for an intervention? What was the type of government
that these interventionists are willing to defend? The American people
were told that their soldiers were going and dying to restore democracy
in Iraq. Their rulers, who knew that there had never been any democracy
in Iraq which could be restored, told them that.
There were economic interests to protect, as well as the position of
certain families. The overwhelming majority of people in the most
liberal democracies are not at all involved in the major decisions that
form the boundaries of their lives. Having a vote is not at all the same
as having a voice. And having a voice is not at all the same as having a
share of the power, and certainly not an equal share.
Human rights are often the pretext for political, economic, or
military coercion. The concept of human rights is rooted in Western
political thought with a particular Biblical background. Though often
given lip service, it is foreign, and occasionally irreconcilable,
towards many other systems of thought.
The causes and rationales for intervention are varied, but they
ultimately can be reduced to either the self-interest of those
intervening or the claim of a higher morality, be it humanitarian,
ecological, or religious. Even as the rulers of a state claim the right
to intervene and impose their order in the lives of those within the
borders of the state, so they occasionally claim the right to intervene
in the lives of those outside the borders of their state.
Since the joint military attack on Iraq, intervention has become
increasingly common. In certain situations, intervention, or the
expectation of it, has become normative. Whatever may be the nature of
'the New World Order' which George Bush announced, military intervention
was recognized as an essential means of establishing it. |