Sri Lanka brimming with promise
Sri Lanka is profiled in the latest issue of the French independent
review La Lettre Diplomatique (The Diplomatic Letter): “Sri Lanka,
Future Hub of the Indian Ocean Rim?”
La Lettre Diplomatique was founded in 1988. The review carries
interviews of key actors in the world of diplomacy and international
relations. Its articles present the insights and prognoses of experts
who keep close watch on the fast-changing geopolitical and strategic
landscape, and carefully analyze the stakes of globalization. The report
on Sri Lanka carries an interview of Ambassador Dayan Jayatilleka on
questions of reconciliation, autonomy, development plan in conflict
areas, economic growth and maritime security.
The full interview:
Continued from yesterday
T.D.L.: In light of its participation in the Indian Ocean Rim
Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC), what approach does Sri
Lanka advocate for battling piracy and ensuring maritime security? Could
heightened naval cooperation be another way to strengthen Franco-Sri
Lankan ties?
Dr. D.J.: Sri Lanka is very active in its stance. Its contribution to
maritime security has been recognized by militaries all over the world.
Recently joint exercises were held in Sri Lanka’s harbour bases,
together with units from US and Asian countries.
It is the consequence of the real challenge raised by the Sea Tigers.
It was probably the best-organised irregular navy that you can call a
pirate navy.
The Sri Lankan Navy had to develop tactics to obliterate them. To
tell you how serious this was, the leader of the ‘Black Sea Tigers’
didn’t hesitate to boast about the superiority of their tactics compared
to Al-qaeda’s one, during an interview on a BBC World Today programme.
So the navies of the world, including French, have all had warm
relations with our Navy and they recognize the value of our
capabilities. Recently, the Sri Lanka Navy held its symposium on the
occasion of the 60th anniversary of its founding, which was attended by
navies from all over the world.
Concerning cooperation with France, I hope it will be intensified in
maritime security issues. Sri Lanka is completely open to it and I think
it would be mutually valuable.
T.D.L.: The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
celebrated the 25th anniversary of its founding in 2010. Could you
outline this group’s regional cooperation priorities, on the eve of the
summit set for the Maldives in November 2011?
Dr D.J.: SAARC is an underperforming regional organization, if you
consider South Asia’s tremendous potential. For Sri Lanka, priorities of
regional integration would be economic, but also counter terrorism and
people-to-people soft power exchanges. Economic because it makes
absolute sense if we take the process already ongoing in the Far East.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a wonderful
example, and there are many other organizations.
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Foreign ministers and heads of
delegations from the Non-Aligned Movement countries pose for
a photo in front of the Serbian Parliament building in
Belgrade. Pic. courtesy: Google |
In South Asia, the process of regional integration has been slow
because of the asymmetries between India and its neighbours. This
cooperation should be accelerated. There is much that we can learn from
European Union, but more especially from ASEAN. However, we have been
working on closer cooperation on terrorism and there was an acceleration
of SAARC’s legislation on this theme.
One other thing that seems to be moving further is people to people
interaction. We can envisage a common civil society space for the
region. For instance, a regional university is going to be launched soon
in India. For its part, Sri Lanka has been very open to a common space
to facilitate exchanges at every level: students, journalists and
artists.
SAARC is a common civilizational area. So if we cannot fast track
economic integration, maybe we can do it in some other way, to harness
the talents in this region.
I think the leaders and the elites of SAARC are beginning to realize
that if South Asia does not operate as a regional space, each one of us
would be looking more to East Asia.
That has begun to happen, also on the part of India, which has a
‘look East’ policy. But I think there is an alternative because of the
IT revolution. The growing interactivity among the youth of the region
produces a kind of pressure from below in society.
We also have to take into account that there are problems more
pressing than before, like climate change or management of natural
resources (for instance water). But I don’t see SAARC backsliding.
The only challenge is whether we will catch up with our potential, as
in the case of Sri Lanka. Former Pakistani Finance Minister and former
Vice-President of the World Bank Javed Burki used to say two important
things. First that an economic take-off for each of us in South Asia
would occur with regional integration.
Second, to actualize that potential, South Asia has to be ready to
leave the past behind.
Our societies and public opinions tend to be dominated by the past.
But if we can move to a mentality that is looking to the future, then we
will be able to actualize the tremendous potential of South Asia.
T.D.L.: Afghanistan has been a member of SAARC since 2007. Are you
concerned about the withdrawal of NATO troops from that country, and its
impact on the region? What role could SAARC play in this process?
Dr. D.J.: About Afghanistan, let me tell you what General Petraeus
told me when I met him during the Academic Diplomatic seminar in
Singapore. I pointed out that when the United States was planning to
withdraw from Vietnam, the then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
conceptualized and implemented a full architecture of the problem, which
included a détente with the Soviet Union and the dramatic opening to
China.
Though of course this strategy did not fully succeed, it still was a
very cerebral and very practical strategy.
Today, to succeed in a withdrawal from Afghanistan, the United States
needs the cooperation of a number of stake holders in this crisis:
Russia, China, Pakistan, Iran and India. Of these stake holders, India
is the only one to have a successful partnership with United States.
Every one of the other relationships has its ups and downs, and some
of them have real problems, such as Iran. Thus, the United States does
not have a comparable foreign policy architecture as for Vietnam, in
which stakeholders would have an incentive to connect themselves to find
a constructive solution and thus facilitate the withdrawal from
Afghanistan.
Furthermore, the withdrawal itself implies other effects. For the
Taliban, it means that they only have to hold on for longer.
The withdrawal could be projected as yet another victory for
fundamentalist Islamism. This will have a demonstration effect
everywhere in the world. But, of course, the United States cannot stay
there indefinitely either. So it is really caught in a strategic
dilemma.
SAARC will certainly feel the impact of whatever happens in
Afghanistan, not only because it is a member, but because there are
obvious reasons. It could have a possible blow back on Pakistan and also
in Indo-Pakistani relations. At the moment, SAARC has not been engaged
by United States as SAARC, in order to discuss this. Perhaps it should
engage SAARC, at least in the discussion on the future of Afghanistan.
T.D.L.: Sri Lanka has been very active on the international
diplomatic stage, for instance by becoming a ‘dialogue partner’ in the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Would your country like to
become a full-fledged member of the SCO?
Dr. D.J.: Sri Lanka is a founding member of the Non Aligned Movement,
which celebrated its 50th anniversary in Belgrade in September 2011. The
aim of the NAM has been to work towards a more multi-polar world order.
Our country continues to work towards this goal, particularly through
organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which
was not so long ago the Shanghai 5 and we value the BRIC group, which
became the BRICS with the inclusion of South Africa.
Now there are so many people interested in participating in the SCO
at various levels. India is maybe more engaged, as an observer member.
This is a process that Sri Lanka welcomes. I cannot tell you whether
we should upgrade our level of participation, but I would say that there
is a real convergence in terms of strategic perspectives, as SCO has
identified terrorism, extremism and separatism as major threats.
T.D.L.: Your country took over the presidency of the G-15 group from
Iran, and will host the developing countries’ next summit in 2012. What
do you see as the greatest security stakes at this time, especially with
regard to nuclear nonproliferation?
Dr. D.J.: I was also Sri Lanka’s ambassador to the conference on
disarmament. I think that on the issue of nuclear proliferation, there
is an asymmetry of perception that has to be bridged.
The West is very concerned about the issue of nonproliferation; to
the point it wishes this issue is almost a ‘stand alone’ issue. But for
many developing countries, but also midlevel powers, the so-called new
pivotal powers, the issue of non proliferation has to be linked with the
issue of general nuclear disarmament. And some initiatives have been
taken in this direction by President Obama. That means establishing a
co-operation between United States and Russia. But perhaps for political
reasons, this momentum was now slowed. Indeed, it is difficult to
imagine a real breakthrough without a new global security architecture
which is more balanced. What won’t work, or could have very dangerous
consequences, is any kind of unilateral military moves by any power in
any region.
T.D.L.: The launch the water plant’s modernization in Kantale in
April 2011 shows the potential of cooperation between Sri Lanka and
France. Taking into account the recent reactivation of the France-Sri
Lanka Business Council, in which other areas the ties between the two
countries synergies could be intensify?
Dr. D.J.: In October 2011, the Sri Lankan Minister of External
Affairs, Pr G.L. Peiris had a meeting in Paris with his counterpart
Alain Juppé and also others personalities. They have discussed the full
spectrum of Sri Lanka’s relations with France.
Yes we value both the France-Sri Lanka Business Council but also its
counterpart Sri Lanka-France Business Council, based in Colombo. We hope
to intensify our cooperation and our commercial exchanges because the
possibilities are quiet attractive.
This is true not only in terms of economics but also in terms of
culture and intellectual interaction. There is a lot that we can learn
from France. There is a paradox because my generation and the generation
of my parents grew with a much greater understanding of France’s
intellectual contribution. We were very familiar with Truffaut,
Tavernier or French actors like Alain Delon. I grew up at a time
Andre Malraux visited Sri Lanka on its way to the East and in a cultural
atmosphere when France was very important in every aspect. In my last
book, I included a chapter on a debate between two of the greatest
French intellectuals Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. But, despite
globalization the youngest generation in Sri Lanka is less aware about
French culture.
The reason is that the profile of France has now been channeled
through the European Union. In the past, there was also a specific
commitment of France to countries like Sri Lanka through French teachers
in schools and universities. Now it is much less. I want to try to
change that.
I want to do everything possible to raise quality of interaction
between our two societies not only our two states. Sri Lanka has always
been open and I invite my friends here in France to step in.
Concluded
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