Caught in food pirates’ trap
In this critique of the food and
agrarian policies pursued by the current Indian administration, Devinder
Sharma laments its failure to draw the lessons from the social unrest in
recent years caused by the debacle of similar development models
elsewhere
On December 17, Mohammed Bouazizi, a 24-year-old vegetable seller in
Tunisia, set himself on fire. Within weeks that fire spread fast,
forcing Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali to flee the country,
deposing Egypt’s long-ruling autocrat Hosni Mubarak and threatening to
overthrow Libya’s Muammar Qadhafi in a bloody uprising.
The tremors have still not died down in the rest of the Middle East.
Yemen, Jordan, Bahrain, Morocco, Qatar, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia are
simmering with discontent. The heat from the fire that began from
Tunisia several weeks back is still warm enough to cause political
upheavals. The Middle East fire is still smouldering. The revolt in the
Arab world is the outcome of a mix of combustibles. But high
unemployment and rising food prices have surely added fuel to the fire.
Low investment in education, job creation and domestic food production
had rendered these countries ruled by long-serving corrupt and
dictatorial regimes highly vulnerable to political turmoil.
Political tsunami
With food prices spiralling in the past few months and with lack of
employment opportunities, the bubble went bust.
More lands to be cultivated. File Photo |
Unlike the 2008 global food crisis, when 37 countries faced food
riots, ousting the Haitian President in the process, spiralling fuel and
food prices, especially since September 2010, have been even more
piercing this time, resulting in a strong political tsunami. It all
began when Russia, faced with extended drought and widespread wildfires,
brought in an export ban till the next year’s wheat harvest, thereby
propelling global prices to an unreasonable hike.
Deadly food riots were witnessed in September in Mozambique, killing
at least seven people. According to news reports, anger was then
building up in Pakistan, Egypt and Serbia over rising prices. In the
first week of January, Algeria faced food riots. A few days later,
Tunisia sounded the first bugle, ousting its President and Egypt
followed. As early as in September, the Financial Times had reported
that wheat futures had taken advantage, and that wheat prices
internationally had gone up by 70 percent since January 2010. This
happened at a time when there was neither a shortfall in production nor
any appreciable rise in demand.
Grave crisis
Egypt, which imports nearly 50 percent of its food requirement, was
hit badly when Russia decided to ban wheat exports. Many believe that
the Switzerland-based commodities trading firm Glencore actually forced
the Russian government, which had enough wheat reserves, to impose a ban
on exports, thereby sparking a killing in the futures market.
The social and political unrest that has swept the Arab hinterland is
a pointer to a grave crisis ahead. Although Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the
head of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), agrees that the rising
food and fuel prices in recent months are the major factors behind the
massive anti-government protests, he suggests more of the same
prescription: ‘As tensions between countries increase, we could see
rising protectionism - of trade and of finance.’ Not drawing any lesson
from the debacle of the dominant economic model of growth, business
leaders from 17 private companies announced at the World Economic Forum
at Davos in the last week of January the launch of a global initiative -
New Vision for Agriculture - that sets ambitious targets for increasing
food production by 20 percent, decreasing greenhouse gas emissions per
ton by 20 percent, and reducing rural poverty by 20 percent every
decade.
Political leadership
The 17 agribusiness giants include Archer Daniels Midland, BASF,
Bunge Ltd, Cargill, Coca-Cola, DuPont, General Mills, Kraft Foods, Metro
AG, Monsanto, Nestle PepsiCo, SABMiller, Syngenta, Unilever, Wal-Mart
and Yara International.
All such initiatives are, of course, backed by the US Agency for
International Development (USAID), the main driving force for promoting
an industrial takeover of global agriculture. ‘We are witnessing an
unparalleled opportunity right now for innovative, large-scale private
sector partnerships to achieve significant impact on global hunger and
nutrition,’ USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah said at Davos.
The writer is a
leading food and trade policy analyst based in India.
Courtesy: Third World Network Features |