Indo-Lanka relations on a successful plane
Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh appears determined to use the
opportunity created by the Tigers’ demise to fully normalize relations
with its southern neighbour and to embrace the regime, states the Wall
Street Journal on President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s visit to India this
week.
Singh, it said, had conveyed to Rajapaksa that the end of the
rebellion plus elections earlier this year, which voted the Sri Lankan
President back into office provided a historic opportunity for the
country’s leaders to address all outstanding issues in a spirit of
reconciliation.
No doubt this [new strengthening of India-Sri Lanka relations] will
be anathema to some in Tamil Nadu whose sympathies lie with the defeated
Tigers. But K. Santhanam, former director-general of the Institute for
Defence Studies and Analyses in New Delhi, says this marks a new era in
relations between the two countries after their turbulent recent
history.
He notes that sympathy in India for the LTTE plummeted after a Tamil
activist assassinated Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on the campaign trail
in 1991 and that the new initiatives between the two countries will be
taken by most in India as another major step on the path of
normalization. It is an idea for which the time has come, he said, the
Wall Street Journal reported on June 10.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa meeting Indian Prime Minister Dr
Manmohan Singh. AFP |
This success will also not please the pro-LTTE groups in Tamil Nadu
that were hyper-active to cause major disruption to last week’s IIFA
Awards in Colombo. They had some success in taking some of the shine off
the IIFA event.
The Brand Ambassador of IIFA Amitabh Bachchan himself kept away from
the event, and many other big names of Bollywood stardom also showed
greater interest in the box-office success of their own films in India.
There was also much cold feet on show, at the threats of LTTE revenge
on those who participated. This situation on the IIFA Awards was helped
no little by the lukewarm attitude of the IIFA organizers in Sri Lanka
on effectively countering the strategy of the pro-LTTE lobby in Tamil
Nadu, where they did not even think it necessary or useful to have a
good understanding with the Indian journalists residing in Sri Lanka,
and also sought little help from our Deputy High Commission in Chennai
for the work at hand. Yet, IIFA has come and gone, and the wider message
that Sri Lanka is now open for business has now been made.
While this is a success worthy of record, it is necessary to consider
how developments such as those that targeted the IIFA Awards could be
prevented for future events of importance, and also assess the roles of
those who made such a situation possible.
The CEPA bogey
If there was satisfaction in some quarters about IIFA being less of a
starlit event than promised, there was hectic activity by them in
seeking to whip up opposition to the proposed Comprehensive Economic
Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with India, which has been in the pipeline
for a very long time. With President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first State
visit to India after his resounding victories in the Presidential and
Parliamentary Elections, there were clear attempts to build up
anti-Indian feeling over CEPA, and make it a stumbling block in the
development of better relations with Sri Lanka.
Its popularity clearly in the dumps, with the Fonseka factor not
giving them any purchase to move upwards in public ratings, there were
clear signs that the JVP was going back to its original anti-Indian
strategies.
Although later it did vote in Parliament to give citizenship to all
plantation workers of Indian origin, the JVP’s policy and rhetoric over
CEPA has showed that when necessary it was ready to embrace racism for
political gain.
In its present situation of defeat, the JVP was eager to move into
the Sinhala mainstream that is being led towards reconciliation by
President Rajapaksa, through a virulent anti-Indian campaign that seeks
to win over the influential business sections of the Sinhalese. Sections
of the media gave full vent to their anti-Government feelings, using the
veil of opposition to the alleged dangers of CEPA in their strategy to
chip away at the President’s and Government’s popularity.
The media onslaught on CEPA was made easy by the voices of a few
professionals, some chambers of commerce and industry and some corporate
leaders who were ready to join the bandwagon of protest and talk of the
extreme dangers that CEPA, which no one had read in its total draft,
posed to the nation. The threats to Sri Lankan employment was so
exaggerated as to say that with CEPA in place we would even start
getting Indian barbers swamping the hairdressing business in the
country. It was the stuff of Goebbelsian falsehood used to maximum
effect, by those engaged in the politics of desperation.
Great impact
Significantly, CEPA did not feature in the talks between President
Rajapaksa and the Indian leaders, in what turned out to be a memorable
visit of outstanding success. There were seven agreements signed and the
Joint Declaration had wide ranging agreement on matters from
Constitutional Reform to Peace and Reconciliation, IDPs and
Resettlement, to economic partnership, joint ventures in the power
sector, the expansion of Sri Lankan Railways, resumed ferry services
between Sri Lanka and India, extending to partnership in archaeological
work, oil and gas exploration, and space technology and communications.
Among the many agreements reached, the most timely and of great
impact is the Indian assistance to built 50,000 houses for the IDPs, who
were the victims of the LTTE’s violence and displaced as they were
forced by the LTTE leadership to move from place to place, before the
final rout of the terrorists in May last year. If New Delhi showed its
interest in maintaining the strongest ties with Sri Lanka, by arresting
the pro-LTTE demonstrators such as Vaiko in Tamil Nadu protesting the
visit of President Rajapaksa, the Indian leaders made an even stronger
expression of support and friendship towards Sri Lanka, and the
Rajapaksa administration, with his assistance for housing for the IDPs.
It must be noted that at the discussion the TNA and EPDP had with
President Rajapaksa on the eve of his visit to India, one of the key
issues raised by both Tamil leaders was that of housing for the IDPs.
Although the TNA leader R. Sampanthan, made several conciliatory
gestures towards the President at this meeting, this was not seen in his
statements to the media the very next day, and in his statement in
Parliament that centred on the housing problems of the IDPs, and sought
to make much political capital from it.
The agreement to provide speedy housing to 50,000 families of those
displaced by terror, in both the North and East, which adds up to
shelter for 250,000 people, would go a long way in easing the problems
of these unfortunate victims of terror, and also help blunt a good deal
of the ill-informed or deliberately misleading criticism of Sri Lanka
over its treatment of the IDPs.
The Basil factor
If the TNA makes much of it criticism in public of the Government’s
handling of the IDP situation, it was not so when its delegation led by
Sampanthan met President Rajapaksa last Monday. The TNA leader’s
response to the President’s call to place trust in him to solve the
problems of all communities, was the endorsement of such trust by the
TNA.
On the issue of a political settlement, when the President emphasized
that he would not bow down to terror, and would not give what the
terrorists wanted, Sampanthan, leading a 13-member TNA delegation, was
quick to respond that the TNA is not demanding the same solution as
Prabhakaran did, and asserting that the party was firmly against
separation of the country. One hopes the TNA’s new offer of
participation with the Government on resolving issues affecting the
Tamil people, is not another Jekyll and Hyde exercise in a new strategy
of deception.
Of course much of the sting in the criticism of the IDP situation
raised by the TNA was blunted by the answers that Minister Basil
Rajapaksa had at the ready. It is interesting to see a minister have
such answers at one’s finger tips as it were, where he was ready to
explain any delays and rebuff with facts and figures criticism that was
not based on fact. Such method not only in countering opposition but
also in taking one’s own case to the people and one’s critics is worth
of emulation by others engaged at key levels of Governance. The Basil
Factor, as one sees it, will certainly play an important role in
enhancing the credibility of the Government on a wide range of issues. |