Sri Lanka and the SAARC Summit
Dayan JAYATILLEKA
SAARC: Sri Lanka has a singular window of opportunity in its
campaign of national resistance against Tiger terrorism. That window is
provided by the upcoming SAARC summit in April, which will be chaired by
India.
SAARC summits have played their part as significant nodal points of
the interrelationship between Colombo, Delhi, Chennai (then Madras) and
Jaffna (as it were).
Prime Minster Rajiv Gandhi arranged for proximity talks between
President Jayewardene and Velupillai Prabhakaran at the SAARC summit in
Bangalore in November 1986.
Tenth SAARC Summit
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Prabhakaran was flown by helicopter to the venue, while Indian
officials shuttled between the Sri Lankan side and the Tiger leader. Of
course the entire exercise ended in failure. What was significant was
the behaviour of India.
As Prof Urmila Phadnis, the doyenne of Indian scholarship on Sri
Lanka and Indo-Lankan relations pointed out, this was a sharp departure
from previous policy which had recognised all the Tamil groups. For the
first time, Delhi accorded primacy to Prabhakaran and the LTTE!
What made it worse was that it took place mere months after the LTTE
had massacred India's most favoured Tamil group, the TELO, accusing it
of being a stooge of India!
This was followed in a little over half a year, by India's intrusion
into Sri Lankan airspace, to abort Operation Liberation. Rajiv Gandhi
took those decisions due to pressure from Tamil Nadu, and paid with his
life.
In the early 1990s Sri Lanka assumed the chairmanship of SAARC.
India's hostility to President Premadasa was as irrational as to exceed
its animus towards Prabhakaran who had murdered Rajiv only the previous
year.
It attempted to sabotage it by staying away. However, the rest of
South Asia solidarised with Sri Lanka and participated, thereby
rebuffing regional hegemonism.
India's chairmanship
While India's assumption of the SAARC chairmanship this April is by
no means a positive factor for Sri Lanka given the increasing
raucousness of Tamil Nadu, India is on the other hand, unlikely to risk
provoking a Sri Lankan riposte against it in Delhi itself, on the
occasion of the summit.
India takes over the leadership of the region at a time it is
exceedingly well placed internationally and it may be conceded,
historically.
However, its international prestige and profile is not entirely
symmetrical with the perceptions of it in the neighbourhood. It is
India's interest not to permit her old regional profile to damage the
new one it is striving to project; a new one in keeping with her global
prestige.
India will not wish Sri Lanka to form a countervailing bloc with the
region's smaller nations, perhaps even spearheading a denunciation of
Delhi's duplicity and de-stabilisation, hypocrisy and hegemonism.
Furthermore, India cannot take a hard line on terrorism, as she will
at the SAARC summit, and simultaneously take steps helpful to Tiger
terrorism - steps which prevent Sri Lanka from eradicating suicide
bombing separatists.
India and the USA are asking (in the case of the former, pressurising)
Sri Lanka to do precisely what they criticise Pakistan of doing: going
soft on terrorism; not cracking down on it militarily.
Sri Lanka is being criticised by India and sotto voce by the West,
for doing precisely what they urge Pakistan to do: wage a sustained
military campaign against terrorism on its soil.
To round off the ironies, India is being governed by domestic, i.e.
regional compulsions in its policy towards Tamil terrorism, while
rejecting the argument that Pakistan is just as or even more constrained
or compelled by the socio-cultural and political realities of its own
peripheral regions.
Sri Lanka's stance
Sri Lanka simply must use the SAARC summit to make its case against
the LTTE which must include mention of its suicide bombing of two former
SAARC chairpersons, Rajiv Gandhi and Ranasinghe Premadasa. The latter
was SAARC chairman when he was assassinated.
President Rajapaksa must raise the slogans of the indivisibility of
the defence of democracy against terrorism and canvass a compact of
collective security.
Sri Lanka must seek a SAARC strategy and a practical programme for
the suppression of separatism, terrorism, political assassination and
suicide bombing.
We can do this adopting one of four stances: in alliance with all
states, in alliance with Delhi, while remaining silent on India or while
criticising India. That choice is ours but is contingent on India's
conduct towards us in the run-up to the SAARC summit in April.
April is the crucial month
All this adds up to a priceless opportunity for Sri Lanka. We must
make as much military headway on the ground as is possible, by the April
summit.
At the least, the East must be won, and a democratic political
process (which, given the conditions cannot but be an exercise in 'low
intensity democracy') completed which installs Karuna in control of the
province.
At best, it can include gains on the Northern front, but must avoid
unimaginative operations, as well publicised and easily predictable as
they are ill-designed and rehearsed for! Given the difficulty of
fighting the Tigers on their monoethnic home turf (unlike in the East
where we enjoy a safe - Sinhala - rear area), and given Karuna's
excellent record at Elephant Pass, it would be imprudent not to include
him in the planning of operations outside the Eastern theatre,
anticipating and war-gaming Prabhakaran's moves, and even securing
inputs in giving the extra training to our forces necessary for fighting
on Prabhakaran's Northern and eventually Kilinochchi-Mullaitivu battle
grounds.
To capitalise on the opportunity presented by the constraints imposed
on India's behaviour until the SAARC summit is done, Sri Lanka must fast
track the acquisition, induction and deployment of the new equipment she
has ordered or has earmarked for purchase.
Certainly, defence expenditure is placing a heavy strain on the
budget but it is better to suffer a one-time only surge in expenditure
and get the job done, than to keep the problem dangling for another
decade or more due to under-expenditure on military equipment.
The pressure on the economy can be relieved by obtaining cheap oil.
There are three potential sources of cheap oil, all of which are
accessible to Sri Lanka, given the centre-left, nationalist political
complexion of the Rajapaksa presidency: Russia, Iran and Venezuela. What
it would take is a personal outreach by the President followed by a high
level delegation led by Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake.
(Military deals must also be striven for, which means that the Def Secy
should be part of the delegation).
Sri Lanka has no choice but to invest in building up a first rate
military in terms of manpower, training, fire-power, mobility and
command-control-communication-computers (C4).We must swiftly build up
our armed forces to a level that guarantees military preponderance over
the LTTE, capable of deploying overwhelming force against it.
During this campaign and thereafter, Sri Lanka must maintain a
military strong enough to inflict unacceptable levels of casualties in
asymmetric conflict, upon anyone likely to engage in cross-border
incursion.
Only a credible deterrent capacity will allow us to preserve our
sovereignty in an increasingly dangerous sub-regional context, given
India's permissive attitude to Tamil Nadu extremism which is the rear
area of Eelam Tamil terrorism.
Our chance
If Sri Lanka is to capitalise on the opportunity provided by the
upcoming SAARC summit, it must also complete the search for a political
solution to Tamil ethnic grievances.
The de-merger of the North and East must be balanced off by enhanced
devolution made possible by the redistribution of powers in the
concurrent list.
The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce has welcomed the 'majority report' of
the Experts' panel, pointing out that any misgivings could be addressed
by placing more safeguards.
That report, the UNP's proposals to the APRC and the Tissa Vitharana
proposals (barring the suggestion of the abolition of the presidential
system and reversion to a purely parliamentary model, a step which would
weaken the state), provide three strong planks for a reform platform.
President Rajapaksa must not go to Delhi empty handed. When he
addresses the SAARC summit he must not only have an irreversible,
strategic military victory under his belt, he must also be able to
credibly display to his fellow Heads of State, enlightened new
legislation implemented by Sri Lanka which can accommodate aggrieved
Tamil and Muslim identity.
If - but only if - he does so, he will be able to neutralise plots
against Sri Lanka's sovereignty, combat Tamil Nadu propaganda, project a
favourable image before a hostile Indian media, isolate the Tigers and
rally the support of the region, locking India - as SAARC Chairman -
into the regional consensus. |