Thailand as a foil for Nepal
REVERSE: A Nepal in reverse. To a degree, the current political
turbulence in Thailand answers to this description.
In Nepal it was a question of politically - conscious sections of the
public, led by the Nepali Congress and the Maoist rebels, rising against
a near dictatorial monarch in an effort to shift the balance of power in
favour of the Nepalese people.
A new democratic constitution is reportedly being crafted for Nepal
and only time would tell whether a true democratization of the Nepalese
polity would take place.
Thai soldiers read the morning papers near tanks positioned in the
Royal Plaza in Bangkok September 26, 2006. REUTERS
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In Thailand, on the other hand, it has virtually been a case of the
monarchy "striking back". The military takeover of power in Thailand is
having the full blessings of the Thai monarch and the country's
constitution has proved an early, major casualty in the power grab.
Right now, the constitution of Thailand has been suspended by the
military-monarchy combination and an anti-corruption drive, targeting
the former ruling elite, is reportedly under way, with no clear
time-table of a return to democratic rule having been announced so far
by the Thai power-wielders.
Accordingly, Thailand is shaping-up as a foil for Nepal and the Thai
people are apparently figuring very little in the ground-breaking
political developments in their country.
It is this aspect of the non-participation of the Thai public in the
political events of their country, together with the prominent role
being played by the military-monarchy duo in shaping Thai political
developments, which gives to the current state of affairs in Thailand, a
strong anti-democratic flavour. A striking contrast, indeed, to Nepal
and its grounds well of popular protests.
Quite rightly, the democratic world has revolted with rage to the
happenings in Thailand. This is virtually a question of Thailand going
way back in time in terms of democratic development.
Thailand is, of course, no stranger to military rule but the
political observer could not be faulted for looking forward to and
favouring expanding multi-party representative governance in Thailand
with the popularly elected political leaders of the country being
increasingly answerable to parliament and other public institutions
formed by the democratic process.
If at all any crackdowns against corruption in high public places are
to take place, they should have their origins in these popular
participatory institutions which are in turn answerable to the Thai
people.
What is happening instead are crackdowns on corruption from "above";
from political institutions which are by no means democratic in nature
and are in no way answerable directly to the Thai people; namely the
military and the monarchy.
The Thai case should, perhaps, be regarded as an eye-opener by other
democracies in this part of the world and in particularly the Third
World.
Ruling and power elites need to be compelled to be increasingly
accountable to legislatures and public institutions which are in turn
answerable to the people on problems such as power abuse and the
accumulation of disproportionate wealth and income far in excess of
declared, official earnings.
Such stipulations and provisions need to be firmly entrenched in
democratic constitutions. If former Thai Premier Thaksin Sinawatra and
his fellow politicians and power wielders are accused of amassing wealth
by improper means and other irregularities, they must be held
accountable and tried by public institutions and courts that are
accountable to the State and the people.
This is the democratic way to deal with public personalities
confronting allegations of the kind faced by Sinawatra and his
associates.
The Thai situation also reminds us that economic liberalization need
not necessarily go along with political liberalization.
In terms of economic and material advancement, Thailand is a bright
star in the ASEAN firmament.
In fact in days past it was classed as one of Asia's "Leaping Tigers"
- so dynamic has been its economic growth over the years.
However, the current political crisis in Thailand proves that
political liberalization has not kept abreast of economic
liberalization. The monarchy-backed military coup establishes the need
for stronger and publicly accountable democratic institutions in
Thailand.
These weaknesses enable the older power elites to continue to mould
political developments in Thailand. Hence the shortfall in political
liberalization.
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