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The need for a political solution - part 5

(Continued from Dec. 23)

It is relevant, Sir, to recall in this context the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in the case of Re Secession of Quebec on August 20th 1998. This is what the judgement says, Sir, and the court ruled as follows: I quote,

"The international law right to self-determination only generates at best a right to external self-determination" One,

" - in situations of former colonies;" Two,

"where a people is oppressed as for example under foreign military occupation;"

Three and this is important,

"or where a definable group is denied meaningful access to Government to pursue their political economic, social and cultural development. In all three situations, the people in question are entitled to a right to external self-determination because they have been denied the ability to exert internally their right to self-determination."

The court further ruled, Sir, I quote:

"that such exceptional circumstances are manifestly inapplicable to Quebec under existing conditions."

That is for the reason, Mr. Deputy Speaker, that Quebec functions under a federal system of Government with, in the opinion of the court, no room for complaint.

In Sri Lanka, however, unlike in Quebec, a definable group, the Tamil nation is being consistently denied meaningful access to Government to pursue their political, economic, social and cultural development. That was the clear impact of the 1972 and the 1978 Constitutions, which entrenched the unitary character of the State and all that has happened thus far.

In addition to all this, we have the Policy Statement of the current President, who has explicitly stated that he will safeguard the unitary nature of the Sri Lankan State and who attaches no importance to the right of self-determination.

It is my duty to state, Mr. Speaker, on the Floor of this House, most respectfully, in response to the Policy Statement of the President, that any acceptable solution to the Tamil question has to be anchored in certain principles.

It is far too serious a matter to be dealt with flippantly. Our experiences in more than the past 50 years compel us to this conclusion. The fact that the president has made certain commitments to extremist forces cannot deny the Tamil-speaking people of their just entitlement within the framework of a united country.

The struggle has gone on for more than the past 50 years. Around a 100,000 Tamils including around 18,000 young men, women and girls, all Tamils, LTTE cadres have sacrificed their lives for a cause. The Tamil people have suffered in every conceivable way.

All this cannot be in vain. We would call upon the Government to come to its senses and review its position. It would be in the interest of the whole country and all its peoples to do so. All people have suffered consequent to the war.

Powers of Government Sir, have to be generously shared on the basis of a shared sovereignty with each unit of government supreme in its sphere of competence. The solution must be durable.

Mr. Welupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the LTTE in the last Martyrs' Day Speech he made on the 27th of November has stated."

The new Government should come forward soon with a reasonable political framework that will satisfy the political aspirations of the Tamil people", He has said this Sir, not merely in this statement, he has said this in several statements before but very unfortunately we have not yet been able to place on the table such a reasonable political framework that will satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people, the political aspirations of the Tamil People.

What is your answer to Mr. Prabhakaran? Your only answer can be - that you place on the table a political framework, a reasonable political framework that will satisfy the political aspirations of the Tamil people. If you do not do that, what are you offering? You have not been able to offer an interim arrangement.

You have not been able to get the tsunami arrangement functioning. What are you offering? Nothing. That should not be the case. I would appeal to you in the interests of this country, as a person who loves this country as much as every one of you love this country, I would appeal to you, to not let this vacuum continue. It cannot continue.

It should not continue. We should get our act together and find a solution that would be acceptable to the political aspirations of the Tamil-speaking people in the North-East. That is the only way to ensure peace.

My good Friend Mr. Rauff Hakeem, the leader of the Muslim Congress and the Venerable Rathana Thera referred this morning to some deaths and killings. I want to extend our sympathies, our deep felt sympathies to every one of the families which have been affected by these killings. These people who have been killed have their wives and children.

They have their parents. They have their brothers and sisters. They have their closest of relations. We cannot but join with them in this sorrow but it is not just bombs and bullets that killed them. What killed them was the failure of the political system in this country to bring about peace, to bring about enduring peace.

It is that which killed them. We know there are many persons who do not want peace in this country for their own reasons because they want to survive and they want to prosper in politics. There are persons who want the war to continue because they want to prosper through the continuance of a war. That cannot be our goal.

We have interacted with the LTTE. They are not crazy about war.

The LTTE are certainly not crazy about war. They want a political solution. They want to be sure that there will be a reasonable durable and acceptable political solution. Until that happens, there can be no prospect of an end to the war.

Mr. Deputy Speaker, there are some other matters I would like to refer to. I shall refer to them later in the course of our debate on the Budget. I thank you very much, Mr. Deputy Speaker, for the opportunity given to me and the hon. Members who have giving me a hearing. Than you, Sir.

Concluded

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