Clear mirror to Lankan politics

Laksiri Jayasuriya: The Changing Face of Electoral Politics in Sri Lanka (1994-2004)

Marshall Cavendish, Singapore and Sarasavi Publishers, Colombo, 2005.

ANYONE interested in democracy, and the resilience of democratic processes should be interested in Sri Lankan electoral politics -this is the senior colony of the British Empire, a state preoccupied with constitutional reform and a state that has, in the past decade, experienced rapid economic growth.

It is also a once exemplar democratic third world welfare state -the first Asian country to enjoy universal (including votes for women) Suffrage, high literacy rates and good health indicators, but has more recently been described as "paradise lost".

For anyone interested in Sri Lankan electoral politics Professor Jayasuriya's concise analysis of electoral politics over the past turbulent decades is a must.

Professor Jayasuriya's motivation for Producing this informative volume is twofold: firstly, it has grown out of a personal commitment to fostering greater understanding of Sri Lankan politics "away from the myths, simplifications and distortions that abound in the overseas media"(X); and secondly, to balance and inform the pre-occupation of the recent literature with the ethnic conflict and the attendant rise of cultural nationalism. (xvi) In addressing these aims he has been entirely successful.

He has systematically translated a complex and dynamic politics into themes and trends that are comprehensible to the student of Sri Lankan politics, to those interested in the transformations of the Westminster system in the post -colonial state and to members of the general public, particularly the ever growing Sri Lankan Diaspora.

Professor Jayasuriya's achievement is in isolating the critically changing patterns and rhythms that up close and personal seem incomprehensible: political parties that morph from radical to nationalist; constantly shifting individual allegiances and unlikely coalitions; a President whose stance on the ethnic conflict has shifted from idealistic 'dovish' to singularly (or as some would interpret the stance obstructionist) 'hawkish'; and assertive voting public that has, at every election since Independence, switched its preference from the Centre-Left social democrats (SLFP) to the Centre-Right conservatives (UNP).

The author's achievement is in fact somewhat disguised by this volume's success - the interweaving of political and constitutional with economic and social transformations and the clarity that emerges appear, with hindsight, glaringly obvious.

The tri-partite structure of 'The Changing Face of Electoral Politics in Sri Lanka (1994-2004)' is drawn from three major changes in post-Independence Sri Lanka.

The first of these, the 1994 general election and the introduction of Gaullist constitutionalism, was governed, Jayasuriya argues, by four key issues: the ethnic conflict and prospects for peace; management of a new liberalised market economy; cessation of violations of human rights and abuses of political power; and the impact of increasing poverty (49).

Combined with the ongoing and costly ethnic conflict in the North and East and a concomitant inability to achieve economic policy objectives, this was a period in which, although significant advances were made in restoring democratic principles and processes, the government struggled to retain popular support.

Complex party politics and constitutional crisis were the hallmarks of the electoral instability following the Presidential Election of 1999 and the General Elections of 2000 and 2001 which resulted in a divided executive government.

During this period the principle of 'cohabitation' - of an all powerful Presidential Executive (Centre-Left) in tandem with a Legislature and Cabinet drawn from rival and opposing political parties (Centre-Right) was put to the test (89) resulting in a new election in 2004.

This most recent election added another complexity to the political landscape: a President simultaneously playing out 'dynastic' politics whilst her party, in order to maximise its chances for electoral success, negotiated a coalition alliance with the JVP, a radical Sinhala nationalist party (91) that is both officially and popularly held responsible for the assassination of the President's late husband, screen idol and politician Vijaya Kumaratunga.

This latest election also saw the entry into the political arena of a new Sinhala nationalist party of Buddhist monks - highly perplexing for those in the West who are disinclined to see Buddhism as a political force (in marked contrast to our reading of Islam).

If there is an omission in Professor Jayasuriya's analysis it is that this overview of Sri Lankan politics reads, like the professor himself, as essentially highly civilised, albeit a highly civilised journey from a 'welfare state' to a 'warfare state".

The focus on party politics and constitutional change over the past decade results in submerging the harsh realities of crippling poverty, the brutality and culture of fear and intimidation inherited from both the 70s and 80s and, especially for the minority Tamil population, the profound impact of the ongoing ethnic conflict and the human right abuses of the militarised state.

The social forces that have prompted suicide bombings, violence, torture and 'disappearances' perpetrated by separatists, insurgents, and the State continue to touch every Sri Lankan and need 'lest we forget' to be constantly foregrounded.

The fact that the volume went to press on the eve of the devastating December 2004 tsunami that killed more than 30,000 and left half a million homeless, does not negate its import.

Indeed, one of the critical obstacles to rebuilding many parts of the South and East, has been the paucity of social data. This volume provides an invaluable set of data, including detailed electoral statistics, and analytical benchmarks.

Sri Lanka 'after the tsunami' will continue to be transformed in as yet unpredictable ways by the recent natural disaster, more so as the regions most affected are the war-ravaged districts of the North and East and the heartland of the Sinhala militants, the disaffected youth of the South.

One can only hope, along with Professor Jayasuriya that a real peace, in contrast to the current state of 'no war', and some form of consensual politics may characterise the next, phase of governance (xxi) If so, and indeed even if not, with the insight provided by this volume, we will better placed to understand the next, and again critical, phase of political evolution.

Prof. Sharon Bell
Pro Vice-Chancellor VC
Griffith University
Brisbane

(Prof. Bell was writer and producer of the documentary on Sri Lanka entitled: 'The Actor and the President')