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| Saturday, 20 March 2004 |
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Idea Forum: A promising manifesto from the UPFA The UPFA manifesto was not just promises. On the dominant issues facing the country, the ethnic problem and the economy, it made clear policy statements. On the NE problem there was a "paradigm shift" from the obsequious position of the UNF, and contrary to news reports that Mr. Kadirigamar had stated that the UPFA stood for unconditional negotiations and solely with the LTTE.
The Alliance stood for negotiations not only with LTTE but with "other relevant groups and communities as well". Even more significantly, it rejected the concept of homeland confined to a particular nationality. It said "the new Constitution will guarantee the right to reside in any place of Sri Lanka "and enable" an individual of any community to engage in social and cultural activities". In fact this is tantamount to rejection of the Thimpu principles which have been the bedrock of LTTE policy from its inception. It is noteworthy that the reaction to these statements has been muted. There have been no protests by the LTTE or its surrogates and sympathizers, and no long winded analyses and criticisms of this stand in the "free" media by the peace lobby. A clear distinction in policy is now manifest between that of the UNF and the UPFA. The UNF in the MOU signed between Prabharakan and Mr. Wickremesinghe, accepted the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil people, and in effect of all the people of the NE including the Muslims and the Sinhalese. They were willing to take the ISGA proposals (which even Mr. Patten described as going beyond any federal constitution that he knew of), as a basis for negotiation. The crisis in the LTTE whether it resulted purely from dissension within its ranks or engineered from without by an unseen force or forces, weakens the LTTE militarily. Since its uncompromising and arrogant attitude towards the GOSI was in a large measure due to it having built up its military capability since the signing of the MOU, this would strengthen the hand of the GOSL in future negotiations after April 2. Moreover the Prabhakaran backed TNA, which would have supported a UNF government after April 2, enabling it to accede to LTTE demands has been put in disarray by the Jaffna-Batticoloa split, which seems to be irreversible. The economy On the economy, it made several definitive statements. The sale and privatization of our natural resources and government institutions will stop. These include water, electricity, railways, cluster bus, and petroleum. Label it as you wish, it was an economy between the two extremes, a "Mixed Economy". In fact an "open" economy is a misnomer. The developed countries, do not have, and have not had, "open" economies at any time in their history. The eastern economies that developed after WW2, protected, and still protect their agriculture and developing local industries with direct and indirect subsidies until they can compete in the marketplace. In an article entitled "Need to protect domestic agriculture and industry" Kanes, succinctly describes how "open markets" have devasted our local industries and agriculture since their inception. Fear that the lending agencies, (WTO, WB and IMF) will refuse assistance, loudly voiced by the UNF and its allies in the media, are greatly exaggerated. Through bitter experience these organizations have come to realize that they have to adapt their policies to the history, culture, and aspirations of the developing countries to which they lend. A stable democratic, transparent, government, intolerant of bribery and corruption need not prostrate themselves before these agencies for assistance. The economic policies of the UNP and PA over the past 25 years, on the advice of the trio mentioned above have not helped the increasing poverty of the mass of people. It would seem obvious that we need alternatives to these failed policies. The "mixed" economic policies in the manifesto are in line with the policies that other Asian countries used for successful development. The UNF and the "free" media are attempting to frighten the people with the "goni billa" of JVP Marxism and a return to the deprivations of the early '70s if these are adopted. The vilification of the alliance is primarily directed at the JVP as it has developed a reputation for clean, honest, and dedicated governance and its close association with the youth and working poor. The rhetoric is aimed at visiting the sins of the fathers of the JVP on the current leadership. Actually the old JVP was as much sinned against as they sinned. In any event, the old JVP is dead and all its leaders but one, annihilated. The one left has apologized repeatedly for their past violence and expressed his commitment to the democratic process. The current leadership has by word and deed, over the past 10 years, strived to show that they are a democratic party. Many revolutionary organizations in the world such as those in China, Vietnam and Soviet Russia, have changed over the past years and become more democratic. However none of them have denounced their old leaders or their "dead heroes" as demanded by some, of the JVP critics. Left wing revolutionary movements do not denigrate their past leaders or heroes, even the mot ruthless and bloody, as they believe the cause, the welfare and improvement of the underprivileged, which they espoused was just. In my view, the JVP brings a new spirit and energy into the alliance and also, it seems integrity, honesty and dedication. There is reason to hope that this, combined with the experience and sagacity of the President and other senior leaders of the Alliance, will result in a lessening of the bribery, corruption and waste of public money and a change in the ever deteriorating fortunes of the general public. The constitution The UPFA manifesto addresses the reform of the constitution which is a major cause of our present "crises". The proposed return to the Westminster type electoral system, and abolition of the Presidency via a constituent assembly, presumably with a simple majority has drawn fire from the constitutional pundits. I believe that the great majority of the people of this country want the constitution changed and the presidency abolished. The constitution requires a 2/3 majority plus a referendum to change it, but the chances of any major party receiving such a majority is almost nil. Therefore the constitution cannot be changed unless the major parties agree to change it. The UNP and the minority parties do not want a change for different reasons. The UNP does not want a change ostensibly because it will deny Mr. Wickremesinghe the chance of being the next executive president. If Mr. Wickremesinghe's ambitions are the obstacle, a resounding win by the opposition would encourage those in the UNP who were formerly for the proposition and are now mum, to add their votes in favour. The minority parties do not want a change because the minority "tail" would no longer be able to "wag the dog". Before this 1978 constitution many leaders of the minority groups, such as G. G. Ponnambalam Chelvanayagam, Keleel and Baduideen Mohammed, and Razeek Fareed to name a few, represented their communities quite effectively from within the mainstream political parties. Would it not be great for peace and amity, if we, with as many safeguards as necessary for the minority rights, could return to that system. The UNF manifesto The UNF has just released its manifesto. Declaring 2 years of success, it consists of plans and programs to complete "the peoples unfinished business". References to the "open economy" and "Regaining Sri Lanka", and "privatization" are studiously omitted. There are no specifics on the peace process, except that the Muslim community will be as a separate entity at talks. It is mum on the participation of other communities, or with which LTTE it would talk. There is no reference to the ISGA or a basis for talks. There is not a hum about the constitution or abolition of the presidency. This manifesto avoids saying anything specific or significant. Silence is golden? Dr. Mahinda de Silva - Borella.
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