Archives

by A. R. M. T. B. Ratnayake

It is strongly felt by every section of our people, that we cannot go on as we do. There is an urgent need for a radical change in our approach to the peace negotiating process now being employed; a change that would reduce unnecessary delay, uncertainty, and fruitless talks. We have depended on the conflict method of solving the problem and both the parties have failed and have ultimately realized that it is disastrous and also unproductive.

The LTTE leader's recent utterance that he would not resort to war again, can also be construed as that he too has abandoned the path of conflict.

The government, and presumably the LTTE too, have now entered on to one end of the tunnel and they do not seem to be able to reach the other end, without sliding down, for want of cooperation from those who should extend it. We have to therefore accept the fact that the approach on the part of the government is not adequate and a concerted effort, by our major parties is essential, because the governance of the country is shared, if not by the two parties, at least by the UNF and the President.

The LTTE leaders, including its supremo, Prabhakaran and its theoretician Anton Balasingham, have, time and again, expressed the view that the hand of our Premier is not politically strong enough, to give the final stamp of approval to any agreement arrived at. We must come to grip with that reality and introduce a change in the structure of the government machinery, at least in respect of the current peace negotiations.

It is evident, that the Tigers are taking advantage of this weakness. They refuse to consider any de-commissioning of their weapons, and did not want even the continuity of the Committee on De-escalation but they insist on the withdrawal of our high security bases, while they increase their military might by leaps and bounds.

On the other hand, if the Tigers are ready to divert their energies to a democratic form of life based on a federal system, why are the moderate Tamils being swamped, political organizations that do not toe their line bulldozed, and all the democratic institutions in the North and East totally eliminated? These are the questions that the people on this side justifiably raise.

The issue is therefore plain. We must be able to force the LTTE to give convincing proof of the sincerity of its desire for peace and a democratic life under a federal system, by definite acts and by the provision of effective guarantees of its intention to fulfil its undertaking. Further, the LTTE should accept the reality that when both parties come to the abandonment of the use of force, there is no need for LTTE alone to employ land and sea armaments any further that would threaten the peace that may be so laboriously achieved. Therefore disarmament should follow without any hesitation. That indeed is the proof of ture sincerity.

Now our people are educated enough by circumstances, and by their long experience with the LTTE. Therefore, confidence building is as important as achieving peace. The LTTE should show greater enthusiasm for a negotiated settlement and for peace rather than emergence as a separate unit in the eyes of the international community.

All Sri Lankans on this side and all the moderate and democratic Tamils on the other side believe in the living unity of the nation which transcendent race and party affiliations. In all the Western federal states, the citizens are born, educated, married, employed, housed and cared for, according to the policies shaped by their federal governments. Anyone who has gone to school or applied for a job also knows that many policies such as administration or law reflect an equally apparent sense of national uniformity. They shape one life; the life of Americans, Canadians, French or Swiss.

Undoubtedly, all Sri Lankans, including moderate Tamils, seek the good of the whole nation and not that of one section or one faction, although it could be sorted out, as to what government actions should properly be regarded as national responsibilities and what actions should properly be undertaken by a federal unit. If the LTTE gives rise to a constitutional ambiguity on this question, it will undoubtedly prohibit a final solution.

We knew very little of what was being discussed across the negotiating table, in the hidden corner of another country. Our knowledge was derived from journalistic accounts, and commentaries in the independent media. But all of us know that for the Tigers killing is pulling the trigger, whereas for our soldiers, killing is where they are ordered to pull the trigger.

Thus all these efforts may be politically fascinating but they seldom tell us how a federal system can be operated if the Tigers do not want to be identified themselves as Sri Lankans, or members of one nation. It is on this point that there should be absolute clarity of ambition. If the government negotiating machinery is not strong enough to extract this assurance from the other side, it has to be, soon strengthened.

Exigencies of national service have brought people of diverse political hues together in this country as well as in others. It was our living unity that enabled us to win independence from colonial masters without shedding a drop of blood. It is upon our power to retain that unity that the future of this land largely depend.

A typical example is the unity demonstrated by the British people, in successfully facing the second world war. Premier Chamberlain willingly stepped down from his office and made way for Churchil to form a strong coalition war-Cabinet of only five members, Clement Atlee and Arthus Greewood from the Labour party and Chamberlain and Halifax from the Conservative party with Winstom Churchill as Prime Minister.

For the calm and confidence which Churchil radiated, within a very few days of his assuming leadership, the whole government machinery was working at a pace, quite unlike anything which had gone before. The main reason for the change, laid, it is said, in the vigorous sense of purpose.

What is our present Cabinet system? There are 71 Ministers and Deputy Ministers, a two-third of the membership of the UNF, in Parliament, who have a constitutional chief, who is the President of the country. But how often do they see her? How often do they get from her direct advice, direct impulse or direct drive. Who settles disputes between them? The President who appoints them, does so, very often unwillingly.

As long as there is no peace or unity at that level, and as long as the present method prevail all our valour, all our dedication in the peace making with the Tigers are not going to see us through.

It is, therefore, that we must have, first of all, a right organisation of government machinery, which shall be able to draw upon the whole abilities of the nation, and allay the fears inherent in the process Thus, the time has come, when all those who have been elected and maintained at great expense, should take their share of responsibility.

STONE 'N' STRING

www.ppilk.com

www.crescat.com

News | Business | Features | Editorial | Security
Politics | World | Letters | Sports | Obituaries

Produced by Lake House
Copyright © 2003 The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.
Comments and suggestions to :Web Manager