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Interview with Dr. K. Vigneswaran of the EPDP :

 "You decide for yourselves if we are Tamil traitors"

by A special correspondent

Dr. K. Vigneswaran

Dr. K. Vigneswaran, the EPDP's advisor, is a man who has been a consistent Tamil nationalist even though some Tamil quarters see him as a traitor for his positions diverging from the dominant Tamil theme. He was a Federal Party activist in his days at the University of Ceylon's Engineering Faculty in Colombo where he earned a first class degree (1964). Thereafter he joined the public service and worked in the Irrigation Department. Winning the prestigious Commonwealth Scholarship, he earned his Ph.D from the University of Waterloo (1969-73) in Canada working on the finite element method in its early days and helping establish it as a standard tool in all kinds of artifact design.

Returning to Sri Lanka as a matter of principle of his mundane work, he had to flee with his wife, a Sinhala Buddhist (also an engineer) and two young children in 1984.

He returned in 1987 after the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and acceded to the request to serve as Secretary to the Chief Minister of the North-East Province. In March 1990 he had to flee again. He quickly re-established himself in engineering after an absence of 8 years and served in Singapore, Indonesia and East Malaysia, until Douglas Devananda flew there personally and asked him to help the EPDP which with 9 MPs was trying to put forward rational counter-positions on the constitutional proposals on behalf of the Tamils. He has since 1996 served the EPDP in various capacities, including that of MP. Correspondent: Are you an Eelamist?

Vigneswaran: I am for what is best for the Tamil people. Remember, nationhood does not mean separation. Sri Lanka is a composite nation, comprising a Sinhalese-speaking nation and a Tamil-speaking nation. I really think that separation would bring about permanent antagonisms with the Sinhalese and a permanent state of war in the island. true devolution within a federal Sri Lanka is the best solution.

What if Sinhalese chauvinists successfully coalesce Sinhalese obduracy against granting Tamil rights?

Then partition would be inevitable, irrespective of our personal likes and dislikes. India won't allow it!

India being against a separate Eelam is fiction. India will do what is best for India. We Tamils have antagonised India in so many ways that a separate Eelam is anathema to India. In 1990, when President Premadasa was undermining India, Rajiv Gandhi personally told me that Eelam seemed inevitable "if Premadasa goes on like this". What is certain is that any solution not endorsed by India is not viable.

As a federalist in thinking, why did you join the EPRLF and EPDP?

I never was a member of the EPRLF. I simply offered them my services as a public servant. At that time I felt that the TULF had let the Tamils down. For the Indo-Lanka Accord to take off, Tamils had to contest the elections, assume office and exercise power.

The TULF was too scared, and failed to provide leadership to the people at critical moments, so much so that a top Indian official described them to me as 'inept and stupid'. Only the EPRLF was prepared at the time to give teeth to the accord.

It is said the EPDP is paid by the Government and you are all Tamil traitors. Can you speak for the Tamils?

After the Indo-Lanka Accord, armed cadres had to be paid to keep them out of crime and settle them in normal civilian life. All armed groups have received money for this decent purpose. Even LTTE leader Pirabakaran received Rs. 5 million (Indian). The other armed groups and even the TULF received a dole to help them function in civilian politics and keep democracy alive. President Premadasa footed some LTTE bills. The Premadasa, Chandrika and Wickremesinghe governments have all paid ex-militant groups to help their cadres make the transition from militancy to civilian life. You decide if receiving such money is treachery. The EPDP has a large following and if our development work among the Tamils had continued, that following would have grown.

That is why the TULF opposed the Interim Administration when we first proposed one during PA regime. But you still are accused of crime and extortion:

The EPDP has never raised a single rupee through extortion. We unfortunately had two brothers who were our MPs doing seafood business in the islands together with some corrupt public servants and navy personnel. We promptly fired them in 1997, but the Supreme Court reversed our decision saying proper procedures had not even followed such as getting affidavits, holding formal hearings, etc. Later we fired them on new, and more easily proven administrative charges. Every party has corrupt elements. But how we deal with them is what makes us different.

You are also accused of joint operations with the Army against the LTTE: Never! The closest we have come to joint operations was once in Pungudutivu in January 1998 just before the local government elections. Nine of our candidates were killed by the LTTE two days prior to polling and the search for the assailants did involve army help.

It was simply an issue of self-preservation. We have never been part of the LRRP or any other military operation with government forces.

How about political violence - say the Kayts causeway attack on the TULF and the murder of reporter Nirmalarajan?

Unfortunately Sri Lankan politics is that. Like all parties we have over enthusiastic supporters. When one party campaigns in an area that supports another, the locals tend to violence. We are fighting against that tendency. Many of our cadres are married in the islands to local girls and the islanders saw the TULF election campaign in Naranthanai as provocative. We are sorry about it. But the TULF's attempts at implicating our MP, Mathanarajah, have failed.

As for the Nirmalarajan matter, there are various competing theories. The case against our two cadres is weak. I predict the case will fail because of the inconsistent evidence. Whoever killed him, we are saddened by the destruction of life and condemn political violence from whatever quarter.

It is said the EPDP are opportunists for thinking of joining the UNF when the PA lost:

We are not for the PA or the UNF but for Tamil rights. We joined the PA government because they had a programme for Tamil rights. We would have likewise joined the UNF except that in the process we would have been sidelined by the UNF agreement with the LTTE and the TNA and lost our right to take independent positions on Tamil rights. As we see it, any solution would need the PA and the UNF to come together. At that time, we will also throw in our lot, for the good of the Tamils and the country.

On the North-East merger?

It was an inducement offered to us under the Indo-Lanka Accord to give up arms. To demerge would be to go back on that compact. India assured us that the merger would be permanent, and if not for that the TULF and the militant groups would not have gone along with the Accord.

But surely, the Sri Lankan Government is not bound by India's assurances:

The Government was also a party to that compact. If you study the thirteenth amendment carefully, you will see the guarantees politically worked in indirectly. The Indo-Lanka Accord says that the merger is temporary until the displaced persons are able to return and participate in a referendum seeking their consent. Such return will take a long, long time. So the merger is de facto permanent. Any attempt to demerge can legally be challenged.

But the President wants to demerge:

We have made our views clear and the President has promised consultation. We realise, however, that with the permanent merger, we have to be serious in addressing the concerns of the Muslims and Sinhalese living the North-East Province. Are you for the peace process? No one is against peace. The ceasefire agreement is between the LTTE and the Government to create conditions conducive to a negotiated settlement.

It is however lacking in certain respects, particularly, in preventing hostile acts against civilians by the LTTE.

We would like to see the agreement amended by a supplement. Now that there is no fighting, it is time for a new agreement on the political resolution of the ethnic conflict, with all parties in parliament and the LTTE as signatories.

What outlines are you thinking of?

A federal framework, with a timeframe for conclusion and implementation. An Interim Administration is not to satisfy the LTTE's desire to control the Tamils and Tamil speaking territory but to give freedom to the Tamil speaking people and for them to participate in governance through an elected leadership. The administration should be the outcome of a political solution and not an end in itself. It must also include decommissioning of weapons by the LTTE.

It is reasonable to ask the LTTE to disarm when it is its strength that forced the agreement on the Government? Decommissioning implies cadres returning to civilian life. It is on in Northern Ireland. Decommissioning does not mean giving LTTE arms to the government but to a neutral party.

What does the LTTE do if the Government reneges after its cadres have gone home?

That is why international guarantees backed by force of arms are important.

Are you optimistic of the Tamils' future in Sri Lanka? Of Sri Lanka's future?

We must always function with hope. Otherwise we Tamils would have nothing to work for, nothing to live for.

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"Let Lovingkindness triumph , and Truth reign on earth"

On the occasion of the 2nd anniversary of the tragedy of 9/11, it is fitting that we think about how people might proceed wisely in order to live in peace and harmony. In answer to the question,"Who is wise, of great wisdom?" The Buddha said, "He who is wise, of great wisdom, thinks not with a view to harm either himself or another or both alike.

"He thinks with a view to the benefit of self, of another, of both self and another, to the benefit of the whole world.

"Thus is one wise, of great wisdom."

(Anguttara Nikaya, IV, 186)

In the third century B.C.E., the great Emperor Asoka of India following the Buddha's teaching set a noble example of tolerance and understanding by honouring and supporting all other religions in his vast empire. In one of his Edicts carved on rock he declared: ".....one should honour others' religions for this or that reason.

"So doing, one helps one's own religion to grow and renders service to the religions of others too.

"In acting otherwise one digs the grave of one's own religion and also does harm to other religions.....So concord is good: Let all listen, and be willing to listen to the doctrines professed by others."

Truth needs no label. It is not the monopoly of anybody.

Sectarian labels are a hindrance to the independence understanding of Truth, and they produce harmful prejudices in people's minds by creating artificial "lines drawn in the sand" that divide us.

Without those "labels" we can all see that it is humankind that resides on this earth that we call home.

To the seeker of Truth, it is immaterial from we here an idea comes. In fact, in order to understand truth, it is not even necessary to know whether the teaching comes from the Buddha, or from anyone else. What is essential is seeing the thing, understanding it. This spirit of tolerance and understanding has been from the beginning one of the most cherished ideals of Buddhism.

Let us dedicate ourselves to noble thoughts, good actions and having faith in the ability of each individual to overcome hatred through love.

Let us overcome the angry with lovingkindness.

Let us overcome the wicked with goodness. Let us overcome the miser with generosity. Let us overcome the liar with truth.

Let us aim at creating a society where calm, peace and understanding can prevail; whether the persecution of the innocent is vigorously denounced: where it is better to conquer oneself than others; whether hatred is conquered by love.

Let wisdom and compassion be the driving force of our action.

Let all living beings be treated with fairness; and let peace and harmony reign in our hearts.

Let us often the hardest of hearts, bind one to another with cords of understanding, love and compassion.

Let us destroy the barriers of class, creed and race among the peoples of this earth.

Venerable Walpola Piyananda, President, Buddhist Sangha Council of Southern California.

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Cultural rights: 

language and the inclusive state

No holds barred by Prof.S.Ratnajeevan H.Hoole

Nothing has divided this nation more than language. Although we all in almost certainty spoke a Dravidian tongue far back in history, today we see ourselves as being from separate linguistic identities that makes us feel separate and at once superior and oppressed.

Travelling to Peradeniya from Colombo to work, I do not get off at the most convenient halt at Galaha to catch a bus to the faculty, but at another halt and walk a good distance to where all buses pass either the front or back of the faculty. This is so that I could get into any bus without being able to read the Sinhalese-only boards in the Kandy area with its large Tamil-Muslim presence. With all my degrees, I am practically illiterate in my own country.

Various Acts provide for the reasonable use of Tamil and the elevation of Tamil to national language. Yet, little progress has been made. If the Government is even a little serious in saying that this is one country and that a negotiated settlement must be within that framework, it needs to act out its words by making Tamils feel very much a part of this country.

Indeed it is courtesy to make others in our company feel that they belong. At our homes and in our better schools it was honed into us that we should never speak in Tamil in the presence of a Sinhalese because he would feel very uncomfortable.

That is simple politeness. It used to be high culture. I do not know how from that very height of civilization we have come down to this Philistine level where even university colleagues are very comfortable running a department meeting or conversation in Sinhalese in the Senior Common Room when a Tamil colleague is present. It is as though to suggest, "You don't speak Sinhalese, you don't belong here." Even English medium lectures are in Sinhalese. It is a clear loss of civilization when we can be so crude.

It is recounted how my principal the late K. Pooranampillai spoke up when principals were invited to a meeting by the Minister who spoke in Sinhalese. He said "Sir, we do not all know Sinhalese but we all do know English." Such was the calibre of principals then. But the Minister ignored him and proceeded, thereby ending full Tamil participation.

Today, the Ministry of Education conducts rights-based seminars for educationists in Sinhalese and offers an apology to Sinhalese before an occasional speaker includes everyone by using English!

It is the educated that need to lead this push for a rights-based inclusive approach. But, it is saddening that at the last annual meeting of an association advancing science, the new president assuming office, broke with the previous high heritage and began and ended his speech in Sinhalese. To Tamils it seemed that he did not want to recognize their presence. Thankfully, Prof. S. N. de S. Seneviratne of Peradeniya protested at the AGM. But the draft minutes by the Council have excluded this and it remains to be seen at the next AGM how far the Lankan right will go in fighting for this excision. Indeed, the ability of the far right to coalesce and intrigue should not be underestimated. For as I raise these issues in public, I find myself increasingly spending time defending myself against charges of minor and major ethical infractions.

In church where one would expect a more inclusive attitude, perhaps driven by a misconceived burden to apologise for colonialism, Sinhalese is asserted far more than in our better university Senates. The especially deracinated who wear Western clothes and speak English at home, don local costumes and betray their lack of good breeding by addressing councils in Sinhalese. When a bishop speaks in English and cracks a joke in Sinhalese, by the time one grabs a translation-earphone that a few are sometimes given, the joke is long gone and one feels alienated as the others enjoy the joke. Absurdity was when I once wrote to the National Christian Council that functions in English. A reply came six months later apologizing that their policy was to correspond only in Tamil or Sinhalese and translations took time.

When such is the calibre at the heights of science and national Churches, of scientists, churchmen, awardees of national honours and appointees to constitutional councils, it is clear that for the peace process to yield dividends, we need far more than new laws and constitutions.

Our attitudes ought to evolve. We need to shift from our primitive attitudes, testing all our decisions against the new rights-based paradigm. In choosing between love of one's language and including others particularly through a

link language, it is useful to invoke the principle of hierarchy of rights expounded in this column last week.

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