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Tuesday, 11 September 2001  
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The crisis and after

by J. Vitarana

The political crisis that began with the SLMC (or part of it) crossing over to the Opposition is now almost history.

The PA-JVP accord of September 5 has ended the period of political instability.

With the return of stability the ability of the UNP to stage a constitutional coup has waned.

If we take a short retrospective glance at the happenings during the period of instability we could see that the UNP was aiming at capturing power through illegitimate means.

According to the Constitution, executive power is vested in the President. It is this executive power the UNP sought through subversive means, once the PA lost its majority in Parliament.

It employed several means simultaneously to achieve its objective. One was to hold demonstrations on the Philippine and Indonesian model provoke the police and cause a bloodbath. In fact, they had planned to march to President's House and demand her resignation or forcefully evict her on the aborted "Janabala" campaign.

The other was to pretend that it has a majority in Parliament and defeat the government through No Confidence Motions in Parliament.

This was thwarted by the timely action of the President in proroguing Parliament. Though the so-called liberal democrats criticized the President's move it gave some breathing space for political and social forces to take a realistic estimate of the situation and find a solution to the crisis. Prorogation gave an opportunity for all concerned to propose their solutions. In this effort, civil society organizations and religious dignitaries too played a vital part.

The next move that had a bearing on the resolution of the crisis was the postponement of the Referendum and the initiative of the Government in having a dialogue with Opposition political parties and civil society organizations.

The Government held discussions both with the UNP and the JVP. As is now known, the first failed while the second succeeded.

The UNP conspiracy to grab power through subversion of the Constitution was exposed at the PA-UNP talks. The latter insisted on obtaining for its leader powers presently vested in the President under the Constitution. It did not take into consideration that these powers were bestowed on her by the people, at the Presidential elections at which the UNP leader failed to win popular mandate. The PA-UNP accord marks a qualitative change in the government. Though the JVP is not a partner in the PA or the Government, it has entered into a wide-ranging program of action that the government is duty bound to carry out. This accord came as a surprise to many. How was it possible? Is it a marriage of convenience with a doubtful future? Or is it the beginning of a new period of collaboration between two parties whose policies seem diametrically opposed to each other? As far as we can see, this accord is a result of the maturing of the JVP as well as a reflection of a self-critical assessment of its own policies by the SLFP, the principal party in the PA.

As President Chandrika Bandaranaike told the Rupavahini the SLFP is a Left of Center party with a Social Democratic vision. It has been the practice of the SLFP to come into agreements with Left and democratic forces. This was evidenced right throughout its history beginning from the victory in 1956.

The two parties could arrive at an accord, as there were common interests and common policies. Hence, it is not an opportunist alliance.

Both parties should make note of this fact, if the accord is to forge ahead.

Prophets of doom are already active forecasting the date of the collapse of the accord. They are also actively engaged in distorting facts and trying to drive a wedge between the two partners. Local and foreign vested interests will leave no stone unturned in their sinister campaign to drag the country once again into instability and chaos.



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